How Obama Thinks

How Obama Thinks
Dinesh D’Souza, 09.27.10

Barack Obama is the most antibusiness president in a generation, perhaps in American history. Thanks to him the era of big government is back. Obama runs up taxpayer debt not in the billions but in the trillions. He has expanded the federal government’s control over home mortgages, investment banking, health care, autos and energy. The Weekly Standard summarizes Obama’s approach as omnipotence at home, impotence abroad.

On The Cover/Top Stories

How Obama Thinks
Dinesh D’Souza, 09.27.10

Barack Obama is the most antibusiness president in a generation, perhaps in American history. Thanks to him the era of big government is back. Obama runs up taxpayer debt not in the billions but in the trillions. He has expanded the federal government’s control over home mortgages, investment banking, health care, autos and energy. The Weekly Standard summarizes Obama’s approach as omnipotence at home, impotence abroad.

The President’s actions are so bizarre that they mystify his critics and supporters alike. Consider this headline from the Aug. 18, 2009 issue of the Wall Street Journal: “Obama Underwrites Offshore Drilling.” Did you read that correctly? You did. The Administration supports offshore drilling–but drilling off the shores of Brazil. With Obama’s backing, the U.S. Export-Import Bank offered $2 billion in loans and guarantees to Brazil’s state-owned oil company Petrobras to finance exploration in the Santos Basin near Rio de Janeiro–not so the oil ends up in the U.S. He is funding Brazilian exploration so that the oil can stay in Brazil.

More strange behavior: Obama’s June 15, 2010 speech in response to the Gulf oil spill focused not on cleanup strategies but rather on the fact that Americans “consume more than 20% of the world’s oil but have less than 2% of the world’s resources.” Obama railed on about “America’s century-long addiction to fossil fuels.” What does any of this have to do with the oil spill? Would the calamity have been less of a problem if America consumed a mere 10% of the world’s resources?

The oddities go on and on. Obama’s Administration has declared that even banks that want to repay their bailout money may be refused permission to do so. Only after the Obama team cleared a bank through the Fed’s “stress test” was it eligible to give taxpayers their money back. Even then, declared Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, the Administration might force banks to keep the money.

The President continues to push for stimulus even though hundreds of billions of dollars in such funds seem to have done little. The unemployment rate when Obama took office in January 2009 was 7.7%; now it is 9.5%. Yet he wants to spend even more and is determined to foist the entire bill on Americans making $250,000 a year or more. The rich, Obama insists, aren’t paying their “fair share.” This by itself seems odd given that the top 1% of Americans pay 40% of all federal income taxes; the next 9% of income earners pay another 30%. So the top 10% pays 70% of the taxes; the bottom 40% pays close to nothing. This does indeed seem unfair–to the rich.

Obama’s foreign policy is no less strange. He supports a $100 million mosque scheduled to be built near the site where terrorists in the name of Islam brought down the World Trade Center. Obama’s rationale, that “our commitment to religious freedom must be unshakable,” seems utterly irrelevant to the issue of why the proposed Cordoba House should be constructed at Ground Zero.

Recently the London Times reported that the Obama Administration supported the conditional release of Abdel Baset al-Megrahi, the Lockerbie bomber convicted in connection with the deaths of 270 people, mostly Americans. This was an eye-opener because when Scotland released Megrahi from prison and sent him home to Libya in August 2009, the Obama Administration publicly and appropriately complained. The Times, however, obtained a letter the Obama Administration sent to Scotland a week before the event in which it said that releasing Megrahi on “compassionate grounds” was acceptable as long as he was kept in Scotland and would be “far preferable” to sending him back to Libya. Scottish officials interpreted this to mean that U.S. objections to Megrahi’s release were “half-hearted.” They released him to his home country, where he lives today as a free man.

One more anomaly: A few months ago NASA Chief Charles Bolden announced that from now on the primary mission of America’s space agency would be to improve relations with the Muslim world. Come again? Bolden said he got the word directly from the President. “He wanted me to find a way to reach out to the Muslim world and engage much more with dominantly Muslim nations to help them feel good about their historic contribution to science and math and engineering.” Bolden added that the International Space Station was a model for NASA’s future, since it was not just a U.S. operation but included the Russians and the Chinese. Obama’s redirection of the agency caused consternation among former astronauts like Neil Armstrong and John Glenn, and even among the President’s supporters: Most people think of NASA’s job as one of landing on the moon and Mars and exploring other faraway destinations. Sure, we are for Islamic self-esteem, but what on earth was Obama up to here?

Theories abound to explain the President’s goals and actions. Critics in the business community–including some Obama voters who now have buyer’s remorse–tend to focus on two main themes. The first is that Obama is clueless about business. The second is that Obama is a socialist–not an out-and-out Marxist, but something of a European-style socialist, with a penchant for leveling and government redistribution.

These theories aren’t wrong so much as they are inadequate. Even if they could account for Obama’s domestic policy, they cannot explain his foreign policy. The real problem with Obama is worse–much worse. But we have been blinded to his real agenda because, across the political spectrum, we all seek to fit him into some version of American history. In the process, we ignore Obama’s own history. Here is a man who spent his formative years–the first 17 years of his life–off the American mainland, in Hawaii, Indonesia and Pakistan, with multiple subsequent journeys to Africa.

A good way to discern what motivates Obama is to ask a simple question: What is his dream? Is it the American dream? Is it Martin Luther King’s dream? Or something else?

It is certainly not the American dream as conceived by the founders. They believed the nation was a “new order for the ages.” A half-century later Alexis de Tocqueville wrote of America as creating “a distinct species of mankind.” This is known as American exceptionalism. But when asked at a 2009 press conference whether he believed in this ideal, Obama said no. America, he suggested, is no more unique or exceptional than Britain or Greece or any other country.

Perhaps, then, Obama shares Martin Luther King’s dream of a color-blind society. The President has benefited from that dream; he campaigned as a nonracial candidate, and many Americans voted for him because he represents the color-blind ideal. Even so, King’s dream is not Obama’s: The President never champions the idea of color-blindness or race-neutrality. This inaction is not merely tactical; the race issue simply isn’t what drives Obama.

What then is Obama’s dream? We don’t have to speculate because the President tells us himself in his autobiography, Dreams from My Father. According to Obama, his dream is his father’s dream. Notice that his title is not Dreams of My Father but rather Dreams from My Father. Obama isn’t writing about his father’s dreams; he is writing about the dreams he received from his father.

So who was Barack Obama Sr.? He was a Luo tribesman who grew up in Kenya and studied at Harvard. He was a polygamist who had, over the course of his lifetime, four wives and eight children. One of his sons, Mark Obama, has accused him of abuse and wife-beating. He was also a regular drunk driver who got into numerous accidents, killing a man in one and causing his own legs to be amputated due to injury in another. In 1982 he got drunk at a bar in Nairobi and drove into a tree, killing himself.

An odd choice, certainly, as an inspirational hero. But to his son, the elder Obama represented a great and noble cause, the cause of anticolonialism. Obama Sr. grew up during Africa’s struggle to be free of European rule, and he was one of the early generation of Africans chosen to study in America and then to shape his country’s future.

I know a great deal about anticolonialism, because I am a native of Mumbai, India. I am part of the first Indian generation to be born after my country’s independence from the British. Anticolonialism was the rallying cry of Third World politics for much of the second half of the 20th century. To most Americans, however, anticolonialism is an unfamiliar idea, so let me explain it.

Anticolonialism is the doctrine that rich countries of the West got rich by invading, occupying and looting poor countries of Asia, Africa and South America. As one of Obama’s acknowledged intellectual influences, Frantz Fanon, wrote in The Wretched of the Earth, “The well-being and progress of Europe have been built up with the sweat and the dead bodies of Negroes, Arabs, Indians and the yellow races.”

Anticolonialists hold that even when countries secure political independence they remain economically dependent on their former captors. This dependence is called neocolonialism, a term defined by the African statesman Kwame Nkrumah (1909–72) in his book Neocolonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism. Nkrumah, Ghana’s first president, writes that poor countries may be nominally free, but they continue to be manipulated from abroad by powerful corporate and plutocratic elites. These forces of neocolonialism oppress not only Third World people but also citizens in their own countries. Obviously the solution is to resist and overthrow the oppressors. This was the anticolonial ideology of Barack Obama Sr. and many in his generation, including many of my own relatives in India.

Obama Sr. was an economist, and in 1965 he published an important article in the East Africa Journal called “Problems Facing Our Socialism.” Obama Sr. wasn’t a doctrinaire socialist; rather, he saw state appropriation of wealth as a necessary means to achieve the anticolonial objective of taking resources away from the foreign looters and restoring them to the people of Africa. For Obama Sr. this was an issue of national autonomy. “Is it the African who owns this country? If he does, then why should he not control the economic means of growth in this country?”

As he put it, “We need to eliminate power structures that have been built through excessive accumulation so that not only a few individuals shall control a vast magnitude of resources as is the case now.” The senior Obama proposed that the state confiscate private land and raise taxes with no upper limit. In fact, he insisted that “theoretically there is nothing that can stop the government from taxing 100% of income so long as the people get benefits from the government commensurate with their income which is taxed.”

Remarkably, President Obama, who knows his father’s history very well, has never mentioned his father’s article. Even more remarkably, there has been virtually no reporting on a document that seems directly relevant to what the junior Obama is doing in the White House.

While the senior Obama called for Africa to free itself from the neocolonial influence of Europe and specifically Britain, he knew when he came to America in 1959 that the global balance of power was shifting. Even then, he recognized what has become a new tenet of anticolonialist ideology: Today’s neocolonial leader is not Europe but America. As the late Palestinian scholar Edward Said–who was one of Obama’s teachers at Columbia University–wrote in Culture and Imperialism, “The United States has replaced the earlier great empires and is the dominant outside force.”

From the anticolonial perspective, American imperialism is on a rampage. For a while, U.S. power was checked by the Soviet Union, but since the end of the Cold War, America has been the sole superpower. Moreover, 9/11 provided the occasion for America to invade and occupy two countries, Iraq and Afghanistan, and also to seek political and economic domination in the same way the French and the British empires once did. So in the anticolonial view, America is now the rogue elephant that subjugates and tramples the people of the world.

It may seem incredible to suggest that the anticolonial ideology of Barack Obama Sr. is espoused by his son, the President of the United States. That is what I am saying. From a very young age and through his formative years, Obama learned to see America as a force for global domination and destruction. He came to view America’s military as an instrument of neocolonial occupation. He adopted his father’s position that capitalism and free markets are code words for economic plunder. Obama grew to perceive the rich as an oppressive class, a kind of neocolonial power within America. In his worldview, profits are a measure of how effectively you have ripped off the rest of society, and America’s power in the world is a measure of how selfishly it consumes the globe’s resources and how ruthlessly it bullies and dominates the rest of the planet.

For Obama, the solutions are simple. He must work to wring the neocolonialism out of America and the West. And here is where our anticolonial understanding of Obama really takes off, because it provides a vital key to explaining not only his major policy actions but also the little details that no other theory can adequately account for.

Why support oil drilling off the coast of Brazil but not in America? Obama believes that the West uses a disproportionate share of the world’s energy resources, so he wants neocolonial America to have less and the former colonized countries to have more. More broadly, his proposal for carbon taxes has little to do with whether the planet is getting warmer or colder; it is simply a way to penalize, and therefore reduce, America’s carbon consumption. Both as a U.S. Senator and in his speech, as President, to the United Nations, Obama has proposed that the West massively subsidize energy production in the developing world.

Rejecting the socialist formula, Obama has shown no intention to nationalize the investment banks or the health sector. Rather, he seeks to decolonize these institutions, and this means bringing them under the government’s leash. That’s why Obama retains the right to refuse bailout paybacks–so that he can maintain his control. For Obama, health insurance companies on their own are oppressive racketeers, but once they submitted to federal oversight he was happy to do business with them. He even promised them expanded business as a result of his law forcing every American to buy health insurance.

If Obama shares his father’s anticolonial crusade, that would explain why he wants people who are already paying close to 50% of their income in overall taxes to pay even more. The anticolonialist believes that since the rich have prospered at the expense of others, their wealth doesn’t really belong to them; therefore whatever can be extracted from them is automatically just. Recall what Obama Sr. said in his 1965 paper: There is no tax rate too high, and even a 100% rate is justified under certain circumstances.

Obama supports the Ground Zero mosque because to him 9/11 is the event that unleashed the American bogey and pushed us into Iraq and Afghanistan. He views some of the Muslims who are fighting against America abroad as resisters of U.S. imperialism. Certainly that is the way the Lockerbie bomber Abdel Baset al-Megrahi portrayed himself at his trial. Obama’s perception of him as an anticolonial resister would explain why he gave tacit approval for this murderer of hundreds of Americans to be released from captivity.

Finally, NASA. No explanation other than anticolonialism makes sense of Obama’s curious mandate to convert a space agency into a Muslim and international outreach. We can see how well our theory works by recalling the moon landing of Apollo 11 in 1969. “One small step for man,” Neil Armstrong said. “One giant leap for mankind.”

But that’s not how the rest of the world saw it. I was 8 years old at the time and living in my native India. I remember my grandfather telling me about the great race between America and Russia to put a man on the moon. Clearly America had won, and this was one giant leap not for mankind but for the U.S. If Obama shares this view, it’s no wonder he wants to blunt NASA’s space program, to divert it from a symbol of American greatness into a more modest public relations program.

Clearly the anticolonial ideology of Barack Obama Sr. goes a long way to explain the actions and policies of his son in the Oval Office. And we can be doubly sure about his father’s influence because those who know Obama well testify to it. His “granny” Sarah Obama (not his real grandmother but one of his grandfather’s other wives) told Newsweek, “I look at him and I see all the same things–he has taken everything from his father. The son is realizing everything the father wanted. The dreams of the father are still alive in the son.”

In his own writings Obama stresses the centrality of his father not only to his beliefs and values but to his very identity. He calls his memoir “the record of a personal, interior journey–a boy’s search for his father and through that search a workable meaning for his life as a black American.” And again, “It was into my father’s image, the black man, son of Africa, that I’d packed all the attributes I sought in myself.” Even though his father was absent for virtually all his life, Obama writes, “My father’s voice had nevertheless remained untainted, inspiring, rebuking, granting or withholding approval. You do not work hard enough, Barry. You must help in your people’s struggle. Wake up, black man!”

The climax of Obama’s narrative is when he goes to Kenya and weeps at his father’s grave. It is riveting: “When my tears were finally spent,” he writes, “I felt a calmness wash over me. I felt the circle finally close. I realized that who I was, what I cared about, was no longer just a matter of intellect or obligation, no longer a construct of words. I saw that my life in America–the black life, the white life, the sense of abandonment I’d felt as a boy, the frustration and hope I’d witnessed in Chicago–all of it was connected with this small piece of earth an ocean away, connected by more than the accident of a name or the color of my skin. The pain that I felt was my father’s pain.”

In an eerie conclusion, Obama writes that “I sat at my father’s grave and spoke to him through Africa’s red soil.” In a sense, through the earth itself, he communes with his father and receives his father’s spirit. Obama takes on his father’s struggle, not by recovering his body but by embracing his cause. He decides that where Obama Sr. failed, he will succeed. Obama Sr.’s hatred of the colonial system becomes Obama Jr.’s hatred; his botched attempt to set the world right defines his son’s objective. Through a kind of sacramental rite at the family tomb, the father’s struggle becomes the son’s birthright.

Colonialism today is a dead issue. No one cares about it except the man in the White House. He is the last anticolonial. Emerging market economies such as China, India, Chile and Indonesia have solved the problem of backwardness; they are exploiting their labor advantage and growing much faster than the U.S. If America is going to remain on top, we have to compete in an increasingly tough environment.

But instead of readying us for the challenge, our President is trapped in his father’s time machine. Incredibly, the U.S. is being ruled according to the dreams of a Luo tribesman of the 1950s. This philandering, inebriated African socialist, who raged against the world for denying him the realization of his anticolonial ambitions, is now setting the nation’s agenda through the reincarnation of his dreams in his son. The son makes it happen, but he candidly admits he is only living out his father’s dream. The invisible father provides the inspiration, and the son dutifully gets the job done. America today is governed by a ghost.

Dinesh D’Souza, the president of the King’s College in New York City, is the author of the forthcoming book The Roots of Obama’s Rage (Regnery Publishing).

The Politicization of Healthcare

The Politicization of Healthcare
By the hospital systems across the nation lobbying for the Obama healthcare “reform” travesty, they are declaring their true colors, and exposing their real financial / economic interests that stand contrary to the public health – “cost-effective, quality healthcare, guided by outcomes and evidence“. “The politicization of healthcare under the guise of healthcare “reform” has retarded and obstructed public health initiatives that can bring about cost-effective, quality healthcare, guided by outcomes and evidence.”
The Politicization of Healthcare
Abstract: The politicization of healthcare under the guise of healthcare “reform” has retarded and obstructed public health initiatives that can bring about cost-effective, quality healthcare, guided by outcomes and evidence.


Beginning in the later part of 2008, Healthcare Information Services, a Missouri not-for-profit corporation, undertook a study to define the requirements needed to move the financial systems and economics of the current, money driven, politicized provision of healthcare in America to a system providing cost-effective, evidence based, quality healthcare. Joined in early 2009 by the cooperation of the St. Louis University School of Public Health, the entire spectrum of healthcare providers and affiliated administrative agencies, governmental to insurance companies, was queried and incorporated in the study. This paper is a summary of the conclusions and findings of that extensive and comprehensive study.

There are two distinct and self-defining groups to be addressed in any discussion of the provision of healthcare in America. Succinctly, these two groups are constituted by two populations – the insured and the uninsured. The public health issues concerning the actual provision and access to healthcare for either group are not a subject of this paper. Partly because of existing legislation, but mainly, and earlier, due to the ethical responses of some healthcare providers, medical care has always, to a varying degree, been available to all Americans. This study is applicable to all segments of the population focusing on providing cost-effective, evidence based, quality healthcare. As such, there is global relevance, crossing all political and economic boundaries.

Because, in America, approximately 70% of the costs for healthcare are paid for with taxpayer funds, federal agencies were included as part of the study. American workers, through payroll taxes, i.e. Social Security and Medicare, pay, and paid, in advance for their medical care in retirement. Those responsible for the remaining 30% of the healthcare dollar, the businesses representing the actively working American, were the most helpful and supportive of this study. CMS was interested in its own bureaucratic agenda, and less than helpful in this study. The Executive Office of the President was totally uncooperative. Responses from other politicians’ staffs was variable, and generally not helpful.

Any healthcare delivery system seeking cost-effective, evidence/outcomes based, quality healthcare demands, as its prime requisite, a queryable, statistical database capable of providing the information upon which such a system must be based. Secondly, that information must be totally, without exception, scientifically based, and completely free of political interference and corruption. Thirdly, such a queryable database must protect individual privacy, but, yet, allow the transmission of sufficient information as to enable free-enterprise, quality driven competition among all healthcare providers. And, fourthly, governments must mandate that all contributors to the costs, provision of, and administration of healthcare, input all information within their respective purviews to the database.

Technologically, the software and hardware necessary to establish a universal, healthcare information database are currently available. The problem, as it exists now in America, and globally, is there is no such database, and, worse, from this study, political and special interests are actively thwarting efforts to establish one. Much of the time and effort of this study was able to specifically identify those roadblocks and impediments. The remainder of this paper will address the challenges facing making a healthcare database enabling cost-effective, evidence/outcomes based, quality healthcare possible.

The second requisite above, statistical and actuarial validity, can be provided by an apolitical, publically accountable, panel of volunteer experts in relevant disciplines, such as medicine, actuarial science, public health, etc. having oversight of the database.

Privacy and patients’ rights concerns can be managed by technologies readily and currently available to IT professionals, directed by legislative oversight.

Problems in bringing constructive change to healthcare in America are highlighted by the third and fourth requisites that would establish the critical, indispensable source of information to birth a cost-effective, evidence/outcomes based, quality healthcare system. Here, the results of this study, obtained in, and relevant to Missouri, will be shared for specificity, but are obviously relevant and applicable in other jurisdictions.

Most significant is the erroneous perception, put forth by government itself, that government and its inefficient, demonstrably proven, failed bureaucracies, are an alternative to a free-enterprise, competitive system which has needed resources accessible to it, such as the database proposed would provide. Most certainly, legislatures could, and should, maintain oversight over the healthcare industry, much as they do, or suggest they do, over utilities and insurance companies.

Coupled with that politically motivated belief is the finding that the Missouri government, both legislative and executive branches, and the Federal government are unjustly influenced by the very special interests directly responsible for the out-of-control, money driven healthcare system shackling our nation. False information from lobbyists, money to political campaigns, political power alliances, etc. covertly and legally bribe public officials to tolerate the economic tragedy infecting the most scientifically advanced healthcare in the world.

Doctors are complicit in failing to protect the public health only by failing to organize themselves to meaningfully confront the takeover of the practice of medicine by corporations, hospitals, hospital systems, and governmental agencies. Taking over medicine, and the ones primarily responsible for the unjust costs of healthcare, are the various administrators, not providing any form of healthcare, and, in the private sector, parasitizing the efforts of true healthcare providers to pay their outlandish, unjustified salaries.

It is those administrators, who in this study, were most resistant to cooperating with the establishment of a mandatory, universal healthcare information database. Refusing cooperation was found to be just the tip of the conspiracy impacting the public health.

Apart from the direct lobbying and misinformation disseminated by these special interests uncovered in this study, other sites of unaddressed disease and infection were diagnosed. A former administrator of one of the large, excess cost generating hospital systems, alluded to above, is now head of Missouri’s Department of Social Services, appointed by the governor. Along with the Missouri Department of Health, the Department of Social Services is preemptively responsible for a Healthcare Information Exchange, among other government inspired initiatives, such as HHS’s Health Information Network, or MHI locally, hoping to short-circuit meaningful and valid efforts for an apolitical, healthcare information database, which would challenge their governmental bureaucracies. Missouri and other states have engaged a Washington, D.C., for-profit company, Minot, to further their efforts. At every level, those seeking unregulated, unjust profits multiply and escalate the costs of healthcare. Federal taxpayer monies have been allocated to Missouri to support the government agenda. Of all government entities, the VA, with its 5+ million patients is, and remains, the most cooperative and interested in bringing cost-effective, quality healthcare to those in its responsibility. In contrast, grants and funding to those seeking to develop a universal healthcare information database outside of government control have been denied. Any financial support for this needed public health initiative has come exclusively from businesses. Rendering impotent the unjust special interests and their unjust governmental influence is a necessary step in restoring accountability to the administration of the public health.

Another critical move in protecting the public health, in addition to legislatures mandating the healthcare database and requiring all providers to submit mandatory information to the database before any payments, would be the establishment of universal input portals to the database. Every provider – hospital, doctor, pharmacy, OT, PT, device provider, etc. would have an Internet, or other link to provide required input to the database. Payments, billings, etc. would be blocked until required information was submitted to the database. This software should be free to every provider, open source, and controlled by a publicly accountable, not-for-profit agency such as, or similar to, the one overseeing the database.

As it is now, doctors must pay one of many EMR vendors, again tapping medical providers held captive to the profit incentives, getting thousands of dollars per doctor, without any provision for uploading information to the database. Notice again that the shackles and costs attending EMRs are applied by government, further escalating the cost of healthcare in America. Pharmacists, therapists, medical laboratories, medical technicians, etc. are all trapped by the existing system and its purveyors. Need the rhetorical question, “Who ultimately pays these costs?”, be asked?

It is time for healthcare professionals to reclaim responsibility for the public health from the politicians, the bureaucrats, and uncontrolled industry profiteers. The conclusion of this extensive, comprehensive study is that a queryable, universal, healthcare information database, in public, non-governmental control, enabling cost accounting, outcomes and effectiveness studies, quality control, cost tracking, accountability, etc., and transparency in all these areas, is but the necessary, but yet absent, first step. The call is to those we elect to represent us in government to establish justice, and free us as we pursue our health.

Acknowledgments: St. Louis University School of Public Health
St. Louis Area Business Health Coalition – Louise Y. Probst, R.N., M.P.H.


Obama’s agenda: Overwhelm the system

He [Obama] is purposely overwhelming the U.S. economy to create systemic failure, economic crisis and social chaos – thereby destroying capitalism and our country from within.
Obama’s agenda: Overwhelm the system
Wayne Allyn Root
Jun. 06, 2010
Copyright © Las Vegas Review-Journal
Rahm Emanuel cynically said, “You never want a crisis to go to waste.” It is now becoming clear that the crisis he was referring to is Barack Obama’s presidency.
Obama is no fool. He is not incompetent. To the contrary, he is brilliant. He knows exactly what he’s doing. He is purposely overwhelming the U.S. economy to create systemic failure, economic crisis and social chaos — thereby destroying capitalism and our country from within.
Barack Obama is my college classmate (Columbia University, class of ’83). As Glenn Beck correctly predicted from day one, Obama is following the plan of Cloward & Piven, two professors at Columbia University. They outlined a plan to socialize America by overwhelming the system with government spending and entitlement demands. Add up the clues below. Taken individually they’re alarming. Taken as a whole, it is a brilliant, Machiavellian game plan to turn the United States into a socialist/Marxist state with a permanent majority that desperately needs government for survival … and can be counted on to always vote for bigger government. Why not? They have no responsibility to pay for it.
— Universal health care. The health care bill had very little to do with health care. It had everything to do with unionizing millions of hospital and health care workers, as well as adding 15,000 to 20,000 new IRS agents (who will join government employee unions). Obama doesn’t care that giving free health care to 30 million Americans will add trillions to the national debt. What he does care about is that it cements the dependence of those 30 million voters to Democrats and big government. Who but a socialist revolutionary would pass this reckless spending bill in the middle of a depression?
— Cap and trade. Like health care legislation having nothing to do with health care, cap and trade has nothing to do with global warming. It has everything to do with redistribution of income, government control of the economy and a criminal payoff to Obama’s biggest contributors. Those powerful and wealthy unions and contributors (like GE, which owns NBC, MSNBC and CNBC) can then be counted on to support everything Obama wants. They will kick-back hundreds of millions of dollars in contributions to Obama and the Democratic Party to keep them in power. The bonus is that all the new taxes on Americans with bigger cars, bigger homes and businesses helps Obama “spread the wealth around.”
— Make Puerto Rico a state. Why? Who’s asking for a 51st state? Who’s asking for millions of new welfare recipients and government entitlement addicts in the middle of a depression? Certainly not American taxpayers. But this has been Obama’s plan all along. His goal is to add two new Democrat senators, five Democrat congressman and a million loyal Democratic voters who are dependent on big government.
— Legalize 12 million illegal immigrants. Just giving these 12 million potential new citizens free health care alone could overwhelm the system and bankrupt America. But it adds 12 million reliable new Democrat voters who can be counted on to support big government. Add another few trillion dollars in welfare, aid to dependent children, food stamps, free medical, education, tax credits for the poor, and eventually Social Security.
— Stimulus and bailouts. Where did all that money go? It went to Democrat contributors, organizations (ACORN), and unions — including billions of dollars to save or create jobs of government employees across the country. It went to save GM and Chrysler so that their employees could keep paying union dues. It went to AIG so that Goldman Sachs could be bailed out (after giving Obama almost $1 million in contributions). A staggering $125 billion went to teachers (thereby protecting their union dues). All those public employees will vote loyally Democrat to protect their bloated salaries and pensions that are bankrupting America. The country goes broke, future generations face a bleak future, but Obama, the Democrat Party, government, and the unions grow more powerful. The ends justify the means.
— Raise taxes on small business owners, high-income earners, and job creators. Put the entire burden on only the top 20 percent of taxpayers, redistribute the income, punish success, and reward those who did nothing to deserve it (except vote for Obama). Reagan wanted to dramatically cut taxes in order to starve the government. Obama wants to dramatically raise taxes to starve his political opposition.
With the acts outlined above, Obama and his regime have created a vast and rapidly expanding constituency of voters dependent on big government; a vast privileged class of public employees who work for big government; and a government dedicated to destroying capitalism and installing themselves as socialist rulers by overwhelming the system.
Add it up and you’ve got the perfect Marxist scheme — all devised by my Columbia University college classmate Barack Obama.

Ground Zero Mosque

Ground Zero Mosque
August 13th, 2010

At a White House celebration of Ramadan tonight in the company of representatives of several of the Nation’s most prominent Muslim Brotherhood front organizations, President Obama announced his strong support for one of their most immediate objectives: the construction of a mega-mosque and ‘cultural center’ at Ground Zero.

August 13th, 2010

At a White House celebration of Ramadan tonight in the company of representatives of several of the Nation’s most prominent Muslim Brotherhood front organizations, President Obama announced his strong support for one of their most immediate objectives: the construction of a mega-mosque and ‘cultural center’ at Ground Zero. In so doing, he publicly embraced the greatest tar-baby of his presidency.

In the process, Mr. Obama also inadvertently served up what he likes to call a ‘teachable moment’ concerning the nature of the enemy we are confronting, and the extent to which it is succeeding in the Brotherhood’s stated mission: – “Eliminating and destroying the Western civilization from within and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by their hands and the hands of the believers so that it is eliminated and Allah’s religion is made victorious over all other religions.”

As the AP reported, President Barack Obama on Friday forcefully endorsed building a mosque near Ground Zero saying the country’s founding principles demanded no less. “As a citizen, and as president, I believe that Muslims have the same right to practice their religion as anyone else in this country,” Obama said, weighing in for the first time on a controversy that has riven New York and the nation. “That includes the right to build a place of worship and a community center on private property in lower Manhattan, in accordance with local laws and ordinances. This is America, and our commitment to religious freedom must be unshakable.

“Our capacity to show not merely tolerance, but respect to those who are different from us, a way of life that stands in stark contrast to the nihilism of those who attacked us on that September morning, and who continue to plot against us today.”

So much for the pretense that, as White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs had previously declared, the President would not get involved because the Ground Zero mosque (GZM) controversy was ‘a local matter’. (As opposed, say, to the arrest of a Harvard professor on disorderly conduct charges.)

Gone too is the option of continuing to conceal an extraordinary fact: the Obama administration is endorsing not only this ‘local matter’, but explicitly endorsing the agenda of the imam behind it – Feisal Abdul Rauf. Rauf is the Muslim Brother, who together with his wife Daisy Khan (a.k.a. Daisy Kahn for tax purposes, at least) runs the tellingly named ‘Cordoba Initiative‘. He is believed to be on a taxpayer-underwritten junket and/or fund-raising tour of the Middle East, courtesy of the State Department, which insists that he is a ‘moderate’ in the face of abundant evidence to the contrary. Interestingly, the President’s rhetoric, like that of New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg and other apologists for and boosters of the GZM, tracks perfectly with the Muslim Brotherhood line about why we need to allow what Lieutenant General William (Jerry) Boykin has correctly described as an ‘Islamist victory arch‘ close by some of America’s most hallowed ground. It is, we are told, all about ‘religious freedom’ and ‘tolerance’.

Actually, it is all about submission to shariah, arguably the most intolerant of theo-political-legal codes, ironically particularly when it comes to respect for freedom of religion. Rauf’s mosque complex and the shariah ideology/doctrine that animates it, the same program that animated the jihadists who destroyed the World Trade Center and many of its occupants on 9/11, has everything to do with power, not faith.

As notable as what the President said is the company he keeps. Consider a few examples from this year’s Iftar dinner guest list:

Ingrid Mattson heads the largest Muslim Brotherhood front in the country, the Islamic Society of North America. ISNA was an unindicted co-conspirator in the biggest terrorism financing trial in the nation’s history and was identified as a Brotherhood, associated or friendly, group in documents introduced as evidence uncontested in that Holy Land Foundation prosecution. Ms. Mattson now presides over the selection, training and certification of Muslim chaplains for the U.S. military and prison system, interestingly, a job formerly in the hands of Muslim Brother Abdurahman Alamoudi, the founder and first head of the American Muslim Council, who is currently serving a 23-year sentence on terrorism charges.

Salam Al-Marayati is president of the Muslim Public Affairs Council (MPAC). In 1999, then-House Democratic Leader Richard Gephardt withdrew his nomination of Al-Marayati to a leadership position on the National Commission on Terrorism when it became public that Al-Marayati claimed that the terrorist group, Hezbollah, was a legitimate organization and has the right to attack the Israeli Army.

Dalia Mogahed runs the insidious Gallup Center for Muslim Studies and advises President Obama on Muslim affairs as a member of the President’s Council on Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships. In an October 2009 interview with the London Telegraph, she made the following astounding assertions: “I think the reason so many women support shariah is because they have a very different understanding of shariah than the common perception in Western media. The majority of women around the world associate gender justice, or justice for women, with shariah compliance. The portrayal of shariah has been oversimplified in many cases.”

The most prominent American public figure to directly challenge such pap is former House Speaker Newt Gingrich who, in remarks before the American Enterprise Institute last month, declared, “Stealth jihadis use political, cultural, societal, religious, intellectual tools; violent jihadis use violence. But in fact they’re both engaged in jihad and they’re both seeking to impose the same end state which is to replace Western civilization with a radical imposition of shariah.”

In a brilliant appreciation of Mr. Gingrich’s address, Andrew McCarthy, an accomplished former federal prosecutor (he put away the ringleader of the first effort to destroy the World Trade Center, ‘the Blind Sheikh’, Omar Abdel-Rahman) and author of the superb New York Times bestseller, The Grand Jihad , wrote in National Review Online: “Henceforth, there should be no place to hide for any candidate, including any incumbent. The question will be: Where do you stand on shariah”

For Barack Obama, the answer is now pretty clear: He stands with shariah.

One Nation Under God

One Nation Under God

Peter Heck
(originally published in Perspectives at
as “Slouching Toward Jihad”)
In Federalist #2, Founder John Jay addressed the dangers of foreign force
and influence. In the course of the essay, he celebrated, “With equal
pleasure I have as often taken notice that Providence has been pleased to
give this one connected country to one united people – a people descended
from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same
religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in
their manners and customs.” Jay understood that perhaps America’s greatest
protection against the threat of foreign manipulation was our overriding
sense of unity as a people.

That’s why Jay and the other Founders insisted that immigrants be willing to
embrace and adopt our values and principles. George Washington wrote, “By
an intermixture with our people, they, or their descendents, get assimilated
to our customs, measures, laws: in a word soon become one people.”

One Nation Under God
Peter Heck
(originally published in Perspectives at as “Slouching Toward Jihad”)
In Federalist #2, Founder John Jay addressed the dangers of foreign force and influence. In the course of the essay, he celebrated, “With equal pleasure, I have as often taken notice that Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people – a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs.” Jay understood that perhaps America’s greatest protection against the threat of foreign manipulation was our overriding sense of unity as a people.
That’s why Jay and the other Founders insisted that immigrants be willing to embrace and adopt our values and principles. George Washington wrote, “By an intermixture with our people, they, or their descendents, get assimilated to our customs, measures, laws: in a word soon become one people.”
Unfortunately, in the name of political correctness, we are trampling this very notion of unity in deference to the sacred cow of “diversity.” No clearer can this tragic reality be witnessed than in our developing societal embrace of Islam. Unlike other religions, Islam is simultaneously a religious and a political order. It seeks a state-imposed caliphate…a theocratic regime that orders allegiance to Islamic law. Those are the expectations of anyone who follows the Koran.
When Dr. Daniel Shayesteh (the former co-founder of the Islamic terror group Hezbollah) appeared on my radio program, I asked him whether true adherents to Islam could peacefully assimilate into American culture and embrace constitutional law and order. He responded, “It is impossible for a person who follows Mohammed and says, ‘I am a Muslim’ and follows the instruction of the Koran to align himself with other laws and cultural values. That’s impossible, because everything other than Islamic culture and principle is evil.”
That chilling admission should set off warning bells. Yet, despite this plainly stated position, Americans continue to suffer the foolishness of political correctness that tells us we should celebrate the growth of Islam here in America. Let me ask a hypothetical question: would you vote for someone who ran on the platform of obliterating U.S. sovereignty, discarding the U.S. Constitution, subjugating women, and executing homosexuals and all non-adherents to an established national religion?
Of course not. Then why do we consider it a feather in our cap as a people,and hail our virtuous diversity when practicing Muslims are elected to office? Because either professing Muslims like Andre Carson (D-IN) and Keith Ellison (D-MN) – both of whom serve in Congress – believe in those aforementioned principles, or they are not true adherents to Islam.
Don’t believe me? Omar Ahmed, chairman of the supposedly moderate Council on American-Islamic Relations, reportedly told a group of California Muslims in 1998, “Islam isn’t in America to be equal to any other faith, but to become dominant. The Koran…should be the highest authority in America, and Islam the only accepted religion on earth.”
I know that addressing all this makes many people so uncomfortable that they choose not to pay attention. Perhaps that stems from our fear of violence if we do (see Comedy Central’s recent capitulation to “Revolution Muslim”).But more likely it comes from our mounting cultural indoctrination in political correctness – the same garbage that infected Europe decades ago.What have been its fruits there? Entire regions of many modern European countries are now completely under the authority of local Muslim leaders who ignore national laws and impose their own Sharia law instead.
And here? The American Academy of Pediatrics has recently taken the side of Muslims who seek to uphold their cultural practice of female genital mutilation. Islam holds that women should not receive the same sexual pleasure that men do, and therefore many Muslims in the United States send their young daughters overseas to have those sensitive areas removed. Rather than stand against this barbaric act, the AAP has begun advocating for the U.S. to change its laws to allow this practice to occur here legally. We must be open-minded, you know.
And though the construction of Islamic mosques have historically been to signify dominance over conquered foes, the New York community board and NYC Mayor Michael Bloomberg are okaying plans to construct not one, but two mosques at the site of the World Trade Center attacks. Another triumph for diversity!
This is a matter of self-preservation. The more we loosen our grip on our Founders’ insistence on assimilation and unity for those who make America their home, the quicker we hasten our march towards cultural oblivion…or the jihadists’ paradise.
Peter Heck ( hosts a two-hour, daily call-in radio program, “The Peter Heck Show” on WIOU (1350 AM) in Kokomo, Indiana.

Of Plymouth Plantation

Of Plymouth Plantation
William Bradford 1590-1657

In speaking of the failed experiment in socialism resulting in the near starvation and loss of the entire Plymouth colony, Governor William Bradford described its cause. “Let none argue that this is due to human failing, rather than to this communistic plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of life was fitter for them.”

Of Plymouth Plantation
William Bradford 1590-1657

An Electronic Edition
Original Source: Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation, 1606-1646. Ed. William T. Davis. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1908



And first of the occasion and indusments ther unto; the which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at the very roote and rise of the same. The which I shall endevor to manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler regard unto the simple trueth in all things, at least as near as my slender judgmente can attaine the same.

1. Chapter

IT is well knowne unto the godly and judicious, how ever since the first breaking out of the lighte of the gospell in our Honourable Nation of England, (which was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned ther with, affter that grosse darknes of popery which had covered and overspred the Christian worled,) what warrs and opposissions ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or other. Some times by bloody death and cruell torments; other whiles imprisonments, banishments, and other hard usages; as being loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile, and the churches of God reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their primative order, libertie, and bewtie. But when he could not prevaile by these means, against the maine trueths of the gospell, but that they began to take rootting in many places, being watered with the blooud of the martires, and blessed from heaven with a to take him to his anciente strategemes, used of old against the first Christians. That when by the bloody and barbarous persecutions of the Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe and subuerte the course of the gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a wounderfull celeritie the then best known parts of the world, He then begane to sow errours, heresies, and wounderfull dissentions amongst the professours them selves, (working upon their pride and ambition, with other corrupte passions incidente to all mortall men, yea to the saints them selves in some measure,) by which wofull effects followed; as not only bitter contentions, and hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible confusions, but Satan tooke occasion and advantage therby to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many unproffitable cannons and decrees, which have since been as snares to many poore and peaceable souls even to this day. So as in the anciente times, the persecutions by the heathen and their Emperours, was not greater then of the Christians one against other; the Arians and other their complices against the orthodoxe and true Christians. As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are these; The violence truly (saith he) was no less than that of ould praetised towards the Christians when they were compelled and drawne to sacri fice to idoles; f or many indured sundrie kinds o f tormente, often rackings, and dismembering oi their joynts; con fiscating o f ther goods; some bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this liie under the hands o f the tormentor; and some died in banishmente, and never saw ther cuntrie againe, etc. 1.

The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, since the trueih begane to springe and spread after the great defection made by Antichrist, that man of sinne. 2.

For to let pass the infinite examples in sundrie nations and severall places of the world, and instante in our owne, when as that old serpente could not prevaile by those firie flames and other his cruell tragedies, which he by his instrualents put in ureevery wher in the days of queene Mary and before, he then begane an other kind of warre, and went more closely to worke; ‘not only to oppuggen,but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom of Christ, by more secrete and subtile means, by kindling the flames of contention and sowing the seeds of discorde and bitter enmitie amongst the proffessors and seeming reformed them selves. For when he could not prevaile by the former means against the principall doctrins of faith, he bente his forte against the holy discipline and outward regimente of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be conserved, and true pietie maintained amongest the saints and people of God. 3.

Mr. Foxe recordeth how that besids those worthy martires and confessors which were burned in queene Marys days and otherwise torlnented,3 many (both studients and others) fied out of the land, to the number of 800. And became severall congregations. At Wesell, Frankiord, Bassill, Emden, Markpurge, Strausborugh,` and Geneva, etc. Amongst whom (but especialy those at Frankford) begane that bitter warr of contention and persecution aboute the ceremonies, and servisebooke, and other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague of England to this day, which are like the highplases in Israell, which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruine; which the better parte sought, according to the puritie of the gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other parte (under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends and advancments, sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, and defend. As appeareth by the discorde therof published in printe, Ano: 1575 ; a booke that deserves better to be knowne and considered.4.

The one side laboured to have the right worship of God and discipline of Christ established in the chureh, according to the simplicitie of the gospell, without the mixture of mens inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of Gods word, dispensed in those ofplces, and by those offlcers of Pastors, Teachers, and Elders, etc. according to the Scripturs.i The other partie, though under many colours and pretences, endevored to have the episcopall dignitie (affter the popish manner) with their large power and jurisdiction still retained; with all those courts, cannons, and ceremonies; togeather with all such livings, revenues, and subordinate offlcers, with other such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatnes, and enabled them with lordly and tyranous power to persecute the poore servants of God. This contention was so great, as neither the honour of God, the commone persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevaile with those thus episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all means to disturbe the peace of this poor persecuted church, even so farr as to charge (very unjustly, and ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe opposers, with rebellion and high treason against the Emperour, and other such crimes5.

And this contention dyed not with queene Mary, nor was left beyonde the seas, but at her death these people returning into England under gracious queene Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bishopricks and other promotions, according to-their aimes and desires, that inveterate hatered against the holy discipline of Christ in his church hath continued to this day. In somuch that for fear it should preveile, all plotts and devices have been used to keepe it out, incensing the queene and state against it as dangerous for the common wealth; and that it was most needfull that the fundamentall poynts of Religion should be preached in those ignorante and superstitious times; and to winne the weake and ignorante, they might retaine diverse harmles ceremoneis; and though it were to be wished that diverse things were reformed, yet this was not a season for it. And many the like, to stop the mouthes of the more godly, to being them over to yeeld to one ceremoney after another, and one corruption after another; by these wyles begyleing some and corrupting others till at length they begane to persecute all the zealous professors in the land (though they knew little what this discipline mente) both by word and deed, if they would not submitte to their ceremonies, and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which have no ground in the word of God, but are relikes of that man of sine. And the more the light of the gospell grew, the more they urged their subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former pretences and fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see wherto these things tended. And to cast contempte the more upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously and most injuriously gave unto, and imposed upon them, that name of Puritans, which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume and take unto themselves.l And lamentable it is to see the effects which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones and otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, ignorance, profannes, and atheisme increased, and the papists encouraged to hope againe for a day6.

This made that holy lean Mr. Perkinscrie out in his exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2. Religion (saith he) hath been amongst us this 35. years ; but the more it is published, the more it is contemned and reproached o f many, etc. Thus not prophanes nor wickednes, but Religion it sel f e is a byword, a moking-stock, and a matter of reproach ; so that in England at this day the man or woman that begines to profes Religion, and to serve God, must resolve with him selfe to sustaine mocks and injueries even as though he lived amongst the enimies of Religion. And this commone experience hath confirmed and made too apparente. * A late observation, as it were by the way, worthy to be Noted: Full litle did I thinke, that the downfall of the Bishops, with their courts, cannons, and ceremonies, etc. had been so neare, when I first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute the year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure afterward), or that I should have lived to have seene or heard of the same; but it is the Lord’s doing, and ought to be marvelous in our eyes! Every plante which mine heavenly father hath not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat : 15. 13.I have snared the, and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops), and thou wast not aware; thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast striven against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive against the truth, against the servants of God; what, and against the Lord him selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they stronger than he? 1. Cor : 10. 22. No, no, they have mete with their match. Behold, I come unto thee, O proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts; for thy day is come, even the time that I will visite the. Jer : 50. 31. May not the people of God now say (and these pore people among the rest), The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come, let us declare in sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51. 10. Let all flesh be still before the Lord; for he is raised up out of his holy place. Zach : 2. In this case, these poore people may say (among the thousands of Israll), When the Lord brougt aganne the captivite of Zion, we were like them that dreame. Psa : 126. 1. The Lord hath done greate things for us, wherof we rejoyce. v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in joye. They wente weeping, and carried precious seede, but they shall returne with joye, and bring their sheaves. v. 5, 6. Doe you not now see the fruits of your labours, O all yee servants of the Lord that have suffered for his truth, and have been faithfull witneses of the same, and yee litle handfull amongst the rest, the least amongest the thousands of Israll ? You have not only had a seede time, but many of you have seene the joyefull harvest; should you not then rejoyse, yea, and againe rejoyce, and say Hallelu-¡ah, salvation, and glorie, and honour, and power, be to the Lord our God; for true and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2. But thou wilte aske what is the mater? What is done? Why, art thou a stranger in Israll, that thou shouldest not know what is done? Are not these Jebusites overcome that have vexed the people of Israll so long, even holding Jerusalem till Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David should meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that of the old Babelonians; but these proud Anakimes are throwne downe, and their glory laid in the dust. The tiranous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their cannons forceless, their servise casheired, their ceremonies uselese and despised; their plots for popery prevented, and all their superstitions discarded and returned to Roome from whence they came, and the monuments of idolatrie rooted out of the land. And the proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody papists and wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously over throwne. And are not these greate things ? Who can deney it? But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on the white horse, who is caled faithfull, and true, and judgeth and fighteth righteously, Rev : 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, and his name was caled the word of God, v.13. for he shall rule them with a rode of iron; for it is he that treadeth the winepress of the feircenes and wrath of God almighty. And he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a narre writen, The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. v. 15, 16. Hallelu-¡ah, 7.

But that I may come more near my intendmente; whell as by the travell and diligente of some godly and zealous preachers, and Gods blessing on their labours, as in other places of the land, so in the North parts, many became inlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorante and sins discovered unto them, and begane by his grace to reforme their lives, and make consciente of their wayes, the worke of God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the prophane multitude, and the ministers urged with the yoak of subscription, or ele must be silenced; and the poore people were so vexed with apparators, and pursuants,and the comissarie courts, as truly their affIiction was not smale; which, notwithstanding, they bore sundrie years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by the continuance and enerease of these troubls, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days) to see further into things by the light of the word of God. How not only these base and beggerly ceremonies were unlawfull, but aleo that the lordly and tiranous power of the prelats ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the freedome of the gospell, would load and burden mens consciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane mixture of persone and things in the worship of God. And that their offlces and calings, courts and cannons, etc. were unlawfull and antichristian; being such as have no warrante in the word of God; but the same that were used in poperie, and still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch com[men]taries.At the coming of king James into England; The new king (saith he) found their [there] established the reformed religion, according to the reformed religion of king Edward the 6. Retaining, or keeping still the spirituall state o f the Bishops, etc. a f ter the ould maner, much varying and di f f ering f rom the reformed churches in Scotland, France, and the Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, etc. whose re f ormation is eut, or shapen much nerer the first Christian churches, as it was used in the Apostles times.So many therfore of these proffessors as saw the evill of these things, in thes parte, and whose harts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke of this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as the Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in the felowship of the gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should colt them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something this ensewing historie will declare. These people became 2. distacte bodys or churches,a and in regarde of distante of place did congregate severally; for they were of sundrie townes and vilages, some in Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and some of Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr John Smith, a man of able gifts, and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errours in the Low Countries, ther (for the most part) buried them selves, and their names.But in this other church (which must be the subjecte of our discourse) besids other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clifton,a grave and reverend preacher, who by his paines and dilligens had done much good, and under God had ben a means of the conversion of many. And also that famous and worthy man Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for many years, till the Lord tooke him away by death. Also Mr. William Brewstera reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of the church and lived with them till old age.13.

But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted and persecuted on every side, so as their former alictions were but as fleabitings in comparison of these which now carne upon them. For some were taken and clapt up in prison, others had their houses besett and watcht night and day, and hardly escaped their hands; and the most were faine to flie and leave their howses and habitations, and the means of their livelehood. Yet these and many other sharper things which affterward befell them, were no other then they looked for, and therfore were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of Gods grave and spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molested, and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a joynte consente they resolved to goe into the Low-Countries, wher they heard was freedome of Religion for all men; as also how sundrie from London, and other parts of the land, had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, and were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, and in other places of the land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or other, exercising the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstanding all the dilligence and malice of their advers saries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they could; which was in the year 1607. and 1608.; of which more at large in the next chap.14.

2. Chap.

Of their departure into Holland and their troubls ther aboute, with some of the many di fwulties they found and mete withall.
Ano. 1608

BEING thus constrained to leave their native soyle and countrie, their lands and livings, and all their freinds and famillier acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvelous by many. But to goe into a countrie they knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must learne a new language, and get their livings they knew not how, it beng a dear place, and subjecte to the misseries of warr,it was by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case intolerable, and a misserie worse then death. Espetially seeing they were not aquainted with trads s nor trafptque, (by which that countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a plaine countrie life, and the inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things did not dismay them (though they did some times trouble them) for their desires were sett on the ways of God, and to injoye his ordinances; but they rested on his providente, and knew whom they had beleeved. Yet this was not all, for though they could not stay, yet were they not suffered to goe, but the ports and havens were shut against them, so as they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, and to bribe and fee the mariners, and give exterordinarie rates for their passages. And yet were they often times betrayed (many of them), and both they and their goods intercepted and surprised, and therby put to great trouble and charge, of which I will give an instante or tow, and omitte the rest.15.

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get passage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end had hired a shipe wholy to them selves, and made agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and take them and their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they accordingly would all attende in readines. So after long waiting, and large expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he carne at length and tooke them in, in the night. But when he had them and their goods abord, he betrayed them, haveing before hand complotted with the serchers and other officers so to doe; who tooke them, And put them into open boats, and ther rifled and ransaked them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea even the women furder then became modestie; and then caried them back into the towne, and made them a spectackle and wonder to the multitude, which carne flocking on all sids to behould them. Being thus first, by the chatch-poule offlcers, rifled, and stripte of their money, books, and much other goods, they were presented to the magestrates, and messengers sente to informe the lords of the Counsell of them; and so they were commited to ward. Indeed the magestrats used them courteously, and shewed them what favour they could; but could not deliver them, till order carne from the Counsell-table. But the issue was that after a months imprisonmente, the greatest parte were dismiste, and sent to the places from whence they carne; but 7. of the principall were still kept in prison, and bound over to the Assises.16.

The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made by some of these and others, to get over at an other place. And it so fell out, that they light of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belonging to Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and acquainted him with their condition, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, then in the former of their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he would doe well enough. He was by appointment to take them in betweene Grimsbe and Hull, wher was a large cominone a good way distante from any towne. Now aganst the prefixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a small barke, which they had hired for that end; and the men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they were ther a day before the shipe carne, and the sea being rough, and the women very sicke, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on ground at lowwater. The nexte morning the shipe carne, but they were fast, and could not stir till aboute noone. In the mean time, the shipe maister, perceiving how the matter was, sente his boate to be ‘getting the men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute the shore. But after the first boat full was gott abord, and she was ready to goe for more, the mr’ espied a greate company, both horse and foote, with bills, and ganes, and other weapons; for the countrie was raised to take them. The Dutch-man seeing that, swore his countries oath, “sacremente,” and having the wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed sayles, and away. But the poore men which were gott abord,2 were in great distress for their wives and children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their helps; and them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them with, more then they had on their baks, and some scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord the barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing they had they would have given to have been a shore againe; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more before they arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they neither saw son, moone, nor stars, and were driven near the coast of Norway; the mariners them selves often despairing of life; and once with shriks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundred in the sea, and they sinking without recoverie. But when mans hope and helpe wholy failed, the Lords power and mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for the ship rose againe, and gave the mariners courage againe to manage her. And if modestie woud suffer me, I might declare with what fervente prayres they cried unto the Lord in this great distres, (espetialy come of them,) even without any great distraction, when the water rane into their mouthes and ears; and the mariners cried out, We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith), Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch other expressions as I will forbeare. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violente of the storme begane to abate, and the Lord filed their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every oree cannot understand, and in the end brought them to their desired Haven, wher the people carne flockeing admiring their deliverance, the storme having ben so longe and sore, in which much hurt had been don, as the masters freinds related unto him in their congrattulations.17.

A But to returne to the others wher we left. The rest of the mere that were in greatest danger, made shift to escape away before the troope could surprise them; those only staying that best might, to be assistante unto the women. But pitifull it was to see the heavie case of these poore women in this distress; what weeping and crying ore every side, some for their husbands, that were caried away in the ship as is before related; others not knowing what should become of them, and their litle ones; others againe melted in teares, seeing their poore litle orees hanging aboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus aprehended, they were hurried from oree place to another, and from oree justice to another, till in the ende they knew not what to doe with them; for to imprison so many women and innocent children for no other cause (many of them) but that they must goe with their husbands, semed to be unreasonable and all would crIe out of them; and to send them home againe was as difficult, for they aledged, as the trueth was, they had no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus turmolyed a good while, and conveyed from oree constable to another, they were glad to be ridd of them in the end upon any termes; for all were wearied and tired with them. Though in the mean time they (poore soules) indured miserie enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for them.18.

But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte the rest, though I might relate many other notable passages and troubles which they endured and underwente in these their wanderings and travells both at land and sea; but I hast to other things. Yet I may not omitte the fruite that carne hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many eminente places, their cause became famouss, and occasioned many to looke into the same; and their godly cariage and Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at these first confliets and sharp beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet many more carne ore with fresh courage, and greatly aninlated others. And in the end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossition, they all gatt over at length, some at oree time and some at are other, and some in oree place and some in are other, and mette togeather againe according to their desires, with no small rejoycing.19.

The 3. Chapter

Of their setling in Holand, and their maner of living, and entertainmente ther
BEING now come into the Low Countries, they saw many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled and garded with troopes of armed men. Also they heard a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the differente manners and customes of the people, with their strange fashons and attires; all so farre differing from that of their plaine countrie villages (wherin they were bred, and had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come into a new world. But these were not the things they much looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; for they had other work in hand, and an other kind of warr to wage and maintaine. For though they saw faire and bewtifull cities, flowing with abundante of all sorts of welth and riches, yet it was not longe before they saw the grimme and grisly face of povertie coming upon them like an armed man, with whom they must bukle and incounter, and from whom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith and patience against him, and all his encounters; and though they were sometimes foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got the victorie.20.

Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other principall members were come over, (for they were of the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things were thought on as were necessarie for their setling and best ordering of the church affairs. And when they had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his companie was allready fallen in to contention with the church that was ther before them,l and no means they could use would doe any good to cure the same, and also that the flames of contention were like to breake out in that anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came to pass); which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to remove, before they were any way engaged with the same; though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward estats, both at presente and in licklyhood in the future; as indeed it proved to be.21.

Their remoovall to Leyden
For these and some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair and bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by the universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many learned men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living and estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads and imployments as they best could;l valewing peace and their spirituall comforte above any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente and comforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor.22.

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in a comfortable condiion, injoying much sweete and delightefull societie and spirituall comforte togeather in the wayes of God, under the able ministrie, and prudente governmente of Mr. John Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in the place of an Elder, unto which he was now callad and chosen by the church. So as they greca in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirite of God, and lived togeather in peace, and love, and holines; and many carne unto them from diverse parts of England, so as they greca a great congregation. And if at any time any diflerences arose, or offences broak out (as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst the best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in the head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continuad; or els the church purged of those that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom carne to pass. Yea such was the mutuall love, and reciprocall respecte that this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him, that it might be said of them as it once was of that famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,l and the people of Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. His love was greate towards them, and his cara was all ways bente for their best good, both for soule and body; for besids his singuler abilities in devine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers and inconveniences; by which means he was very helpfull to their outward estats, and so was every way as a commone father unto them. And pone did more offend him then those that were Glose and cleaving to them selves, and retirad from the commone good; as also such as would be stiffe and riged in matters of outward order, and invey against the evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express a vertuous conversation. They in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did deserve; and though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived and laboured amongst them, yet much more after his death,l when they carne to feele the wante of his help, and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they had lost, to the greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls; yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as hard for them to find such another leader and feeder in all respects, as for the Taborits to find another Ziska.2 And though they did not call themselves orphans, as the othe-r did, after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente, in another regard, their present condition, and after usage. But to returne; I know not but it may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was the true pietie, the humble zeale, and fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God and his waies, and the single hartednes and sinceir affection one towards another, that they carne as near the primative patterne of the first churches, as any other church of those later times have done, according to their ranke and qualitie.23.

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of the severall passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the Loca Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to shew the begining of this plantation, which is that I aime at; yet because some of their adversaries did, upon the rumore of their removall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, and had rather driven them out (as the heathen historians did faine of Moyses and the Isralits when they went out of Egipte), then that it was their owne free choyse and motioll, I will therfore mention a particular or too to shew the contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place wher they lived. And first though many of them weer poore, yet ther was none so poore, but if they were known to be of that col,. gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust them in any reasonable matter when they wanted money. Because they had found by experience how carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so painfull and dilligente in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for ther honestie and diligente.24.

Againe; the magistrats of the citie, aboute the time of ther coming away, or a litle before, in the publick place of justice, gave this comendable testemoney of them, in the reproofe of the Wallons,l who were of the French church in that citie. These English, said they, have lived amongst us now Chis 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or accusation came against any of them; but your strifs and quarels are continuall, etc. In these times allso were the great troubls raised by the Arminians,z who, as they greatly mollested the whole state, so this citie in particular, in which was the cheefe universitie; so as ther were dayly and hote disputs in the schooles ther aboute; and as the studients and other lerned were devided in their op= pinions hearin, so were the 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them selves; the one daly teaching for it, the other against it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls of the one would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, and write sundrie books,L besids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear ther readings, and heard the one as well as the. other;, by which means he was so well grounded in the controversia, and saw the forte of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the adversarie, and being him selfe very able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be terrible to the Arminians; which made Episcopius (the Arminian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander the other proffessor, and the cheefe preachers of the citie, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him ; but he was loath, being a stranger; yet the other did importune him, and tould him that such was the abilitie and nimblnes of the adversarie, that the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So as he condescended, and prepared him selfe against the time; and when the day came, the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in this great and publike audience. And the like he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. The which as it causad many to praise God that the trueth had so famous victory, so it procured him much honour and respecte from those lerned men and others which loved the trueth. Yea, so farr were they from being weary of him and his people, or desiring their absence, as it was said by soma, of no mean note, that were. it not for giveing offence to the state of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if he would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea when therwas speech of their remoovall into these parts, sundrie of note and eminencie of that nation would have had them come under them, and for that end made then large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers and examples of the like kinde, to shew the untruth and un. licklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only raised by the malice of some, who laboured their disgrace.25.

The 4. Chap.

Showing the reasons and causes o f their remomall

AFTER they had lived in this citie about some 11. or 12. years, (which is the more observable being the whole time of that famose trucel between that state and the Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away by death, and many others begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris Experience haveing taught them many things, those prudent governours with sundrie of the sagest members begane both deeply to apprehend their present dangers, and wisely to foresee the future, and thinke of timly remedy. In the agitation of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear aboute, at length they began to incline to this conclusion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of any newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, by which men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt and danger, but for sundrie weightie and solid reasons; some of the cheefe of which I will hear breefly touch. And first, they saw and found by experience the hardnes of the place and countrie to be such, as few in comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out, and continew with them. For many that carne to them, and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure that great labor and hard fare, with other inconvenientes which they underwent and were contented with. But though they loved their persons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catoes. For many, though they desired to injove the ordinances of God in their puritie, and the libertie of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with danger of consciente, rather than to indure these hardships; yea, some preferred and chose the persons in England, rather then this libertie in Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and easier place of living could be had, it would draw many, and take away these discouragments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those who both wrote and preached now against them, if they were in a place wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would then practise as they did.26.

2ly. They saw that though the people generally bore all these difficulties very cherfully, and with a resolute courage, being in the best and strength of their years, yet old age began to steale on many of them, (and their great and continuall labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time,) so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke under their burdens, or both. And therfore according to the devine proverb, that a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth him selfe, Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull and beaten souldiers were fearfull either to be intrapped or surrounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and less danger, if any such could be found. Thirdly; as necessitie was a taskrnaster over them, so they were forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a sorte, to their dearest children; the which as it did not a litle wound the tender harts of niany a loving father and mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad and sorowful effects. For many of their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde to bear the yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so oppressed with their hevie labours, that though their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decreped in their early youth; the vigor of nature? being consumed in the very budd as it were. But that which was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth in that countrie, and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away by evill examples extravagante and dangerous courses, getting the raines off their neks, and departing from their parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes and the danger of their soules, to the great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted. 27.

Lastly, (and which was not least), a great hope and inward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way therunto, for the propagating and advancing the gospell of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great a work.28.

These, and some other like reasons, moved them to undertake this resolution of their removall; the which they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequell will appeare.29.

The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull and fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill inhabitants, wherther are only salvage and brutish men, which range up and downe, litle otherwise then the wild beasts of the same. This proposition being made publike and coming to the scaning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and doubts amongst them selves. Some, from their reasons and hops conceived, laboured to stirr up and incourage the rest to undertake and prosecute the same; others, againe, out of their fears, objected against it, and sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it was a great designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable perills and dangers; as, besids the casulties of the seas (which none can be freed from) the length of the vioage was such, as the weake bodys of women and other persons worne out with age and traville (as many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to consume and utterly to ruinate them. For ther they should be liable to famine, and nakednes, and the wante, in a maner, of all things. The chang of aire, diate, and drinking of water, would infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett be in continuall danger of the salvage people, who are cruell, barbarous, and most trecherous, being most furious in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente only to kill, and take away life, but delight to tormente men in the most bloodie manner that may be; fleaingsome alive with the shells of fishes, cutting of the members and joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling on the coles, eate the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but the very hearing of these things could not but move the very bowels of men to greae within them, and make the weaketo quake and tremble. It was furder objected, that it would require greater summes of money to furnish such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then their consumad estats would amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to be seconded with supplies,as presently to be transported. Also many presidents of ill success, and lamentable misseries befalne others in the like designes, were easie to be found, and not forgotten to be aledged ; besids their owne experience, in their f ormer troubles and hardships in their removall into Holand, and how hard a thing._it_was for them to live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour countrie, and a civill and rich comone wealth.30.

It was answered, that all great and honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It wA¡s granted the dangers were great, but not desperate ; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though their were many of them Ekly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of the things feared might never befale; others by providente cara and the use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground and reason; not rashly or lightly as many have done for curiositie or hope of ‘ gaine, etc. But their condition was not ordinarie ; their ends were good and-honourable; their calling lawfull, and urgente; and therfore they might expecte the blessing of God in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their lives in this action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors would be honourable. They lived hear but as man in exile, and in a poore condition; and as great miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for the 12. years of truca were now out, and ther was nothing but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway uncertaine. The Spaniard might prove as cruell as the salvages of America, and the famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, and their libertie less to looke out for remedie. After many other perticuler things answered and aledged on both sids, it was fully concluded by the major parte, to put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they could.31.

The 5. Chap.

Shewing what means they usad for preparation to this waightie vioag

AND first after thir humble praiers unto God for his direction and assistance, and a generall conferrence held hear aboute, they consultad what perticuler place to pitch upon, and prepare for. Soma (and pone of the meanest) had thoughts and were ernest for Guiana, or soma of those fertill places in those hott climats; others were for soma parts of Virginia, wher the English had all ready made enterance, and begining. Those for Guiana aledged that the cuntrie was rich, frutfull, and blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a florishing greenes ;where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plentie without any great labour or art of man. So as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of clothing and other things would serve, then in more coulder and less frutfull countries must be had. As also that the Spa.niards (having much more then they could possess) had not yet plantad there, nor any where very near the same.2 But to this it was answered, that out of question the countrie was both frutfull and pleasante, and might yeeld riches and main tenance to the possessors, more easily then the other; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fitt for them. !and first, that such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases, and many noysome impediments, which other more temperate places are freer from, and would not so well agree with our English bodys. Againe, if they should ther live, and doe well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but would displante or overthrow them, as he did the French in Florida,who were seated furder from his richest countries; and the sooner because they should have none to protect them, and their owne strength would be too smale to resiste so potent ara enemie, and so neare a neighbor.32.

On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived among the English which wear ther planted, or so near them as to be under their goverment, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and it might be worse. Arad if they lived too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor defence from them.33.

But at length the conclusion was, to live as a distincte body by them selves, under the generall Goverment of Virginia; and by their freinds to sue to his majestie that he would be pleased to grant them freedome of Religion; arad that this might be obtained, they wear putt in good hope by some great persons, of good ranke and qualitie, that were made their freinds. Whereupon 2. were chosen and sent in to England (at the charge of the rest) to sollicite this matter, who found the Virginia Company Z very desirous to have them goe thither, and willing to grante them a patent, with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant to any, arad to give them the best furderance they could. Arad some of the cheefe of that company douted not to obtaine their suite of the king for liberty in p,eligion, and to have it confirmed under the kings broad seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece of worke then they tooke it for; for though many mearas were used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it, (amongst whom was ove of his cheefe secretaries,)and some other wrought with the archbishop z to give way therunto ; but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, that he would convive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried them selves peacably. But to allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under his seale, they found it would not be. Arad this was all the cheefe of the Virginia companie or any other of their best freinds could doe in the case. Yet they perswaded them to goe ora, for they presumed they should not be troubled. Arad with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what diligence had bene used, and to what issue things were come.34.

But this made a dampe in the busines, arad caused some distraction, for many were afraid that if they should unsetle them selves, and put of their estates, arad goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, arad but a sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed hear upon without makeing any suite at all, then,3 haveing made it, to be thus rejected. But some of the cheefest thought other wise, and that they might well proceede hereupon, and that the kings majestie was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirme it by any publick aete. Arad furdermore, if ther was no securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder confirmation of the same; for if after wards ther should be a purpose or desire to wrong theln, though they had a seale as broad as the house flore, it would not serve the turne; for ther would be means enew found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, they must rest herein ora Gods providente, as they had done in other things.35.

Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, to end with the Virginia Company as well as they could. And to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means obtaine. As also to treate and conclude with such merchants and other freinds as had manifested their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this vioage. For which end they had instructions given them upon what conditions they should proceed with them, or els to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it willbe requesite to inserte a letter or too that may give light to these proceedings. 36.

A coppie of leter from Sr: Edwin Sands, directed lo Mr. John Robimon and Mr. William Brewster
After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, Robert Cushmanand John Carver,have been in communication with diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; arad by the writing of 7. Articles subscribed with your names,have given them that good degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them ora with a resolution to sett forward your desire in the best sorte that may be, for your owne and the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave to their faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with that good discretion, as is both to ther owne and their credite from whence they carne z Arad wheras being to treate for a multitude of people, they have requested further time to conferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute the severall particularities which in the prosecution thereof will fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too. And so they doe now returne unto you. If therfore it may please God so to directe your desires as that ora your parts ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall likewise appear, that ora our parte, all fonvardnes to set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with reason may be expected. I betake you with this designe (which I hope verily is the worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest.37.

London, Novbr: 12, Ano: 1617
Your very loving freind

Their answer was as foloweth.
Righte Worpl:

Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente of your singuler love, expressing itselfe, as otherwise, so more spetially in your great tare and earnest endeavor of our good in this weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which the less able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more bound to commend in our prayers unto God for recompence; whom, as for the presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God assisting us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto the labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with the best speed and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of the greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente the same unto the Counsell by our agente, and a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adyone2 him selfe; to the tare and discretion of which two, we doe referr the prose. cuting of the bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right WorPPI that we need not provoke your godly and loving minde to any further or more tender tare of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us in your selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we relye upon you, exprcting the tare of your love, counsell of your wisdome, and the help and countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragmente in the worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not forbeare to mention these instantes of indusmente.38.

1. We veryly beleeve and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and whose service we have given our selves in many trialls; and that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to the simplicitie of our harts therin.39.

2ly. We are well weaned from the delicate milke of our mother countrie, and enured to the dificulties of a strange and hard land, which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome40.

3ly. The people are for the body of them, industrious, and frugall, we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world.41.

4ly. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte and sacred bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation wherof we make great consciente, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly tied to all tare of each others good, and of the whose by every one and so mutually.42.

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at honre againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand; we shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removall; who, if we should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine unto the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods.43.

These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our worPP: freinds of the Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most glad, and shall not faire by all good means to continue and increase the same. We will not be further troublesome, but doe, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your WorPP: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our leaves, commiting your persons and counsels to the guidance and direction of the Almighty.44.

Leyden, Desem: 15. Ano: 1617.
Yours much bounden in all duty


For further light in these proceedings see some other letters and notes as followeth.45.

The coppy of a letter sent to Sr. John Worssenham
Right WorP”: with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse for your singular tare and pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, and, we hope, the commone good, we doe remember our humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified by some of his majesties Honbl Privie Counsell;and though it be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making our just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe and generall, which we thinke the fitter to be presented; the other something more large, and in which we express some smale accidentall differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our worPfreinds, you may send in stead of the former. Our prayers unto God is, that your WorPP may see the frute of your worthy endeaours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by all good means in us. And so praing that you would please with the convenientest speed that may be, to give us knowledge of the success of the bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, so we rest46.

Leyden, Jan: 27. Ano: 1617. old stile
Your Wor pp in all duty,

The first breefe note was this.
Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches contribution, as allso for the too Sacrements, baptisme, and the Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points agree with the French reformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith.47.

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of as, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of Alleagence.48.

The 2. was this.
Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, etc. as in the former, we agree in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be found in our practises, not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidentall circumstances. 49.

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered.50.

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able to teach; which abilitie they doe not require.51.

3. Their elders and deacons are annuall, or at most for 2. or 3. years; ours perpetuall.52.

4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions and excommunications for publick scandals, publickly and before the congregation; theirs more privately, and in their consistories.53.

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof the one parente, at the least, is of some church, which some of ther churches doe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their publick confession and the judgmente of the most larned amongst them.54.

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points. Then aboute the oath, as in the former55.


JOHN R., W. B.
Part of another letter from him that delivered these
London. Feb: 14. 1617.

Your letter to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost as soone as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him the opening and reading. Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also the letter, and in the reading he spake to me and said, Who shall make them ? viz. the ministers; I answered his Worpp. that the power of making was in the church, to be ordained by the imposition of hands, by the fittest instrunments they had. It must either be in the church or from the pope, and the pope is Antichrist. Ho! said Sr. John, what the pope houlds good, (as in the Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too; but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. And as for your letters he would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle all. He expected you should have been of the archbp minde for the calling of ministers, but it seems you differed. I could have wished to have known the contents oI your toq, inclosed, at which he stuck so much, espetially the larger. I asked his Worp what good news he had for me to write to morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the kings majestie and the bishops have consented. He said he would goe to Mr. Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell,l as this day, and nexte weeke I should know more. I mett Sr. Edw: Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courtez the nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be troublsome at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week oI certentie concerning you. I committee you to the Lord.56.


S. B.
These things being long in agitation, and messengers passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many rubs that f ell in the way ; for at the returne of these messengers into England they found things f arr otherwise then they expected. For the Virginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which may the better appear in one of the messengers letters as followeth.57.

To his loving freinds, etc.

I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not effecte that which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B.hath writen to Mr. Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least I be thought to neglecte you. The maine hinderance oI our proseedings in the Virginia bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs the Counsell and Company oI Virginia; which are such, as that ever since we carne up no busines could by them be dispatched. The occasion oI this trouble amongst them is, for that a while since Sr. Thomas Smith, repining at his many offices and troubls, wished the Company oI Virginia to case him oI his office in being Treasurer and Goverr. oI the Virginia Company.l Whereupon the Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer and Goverr oI the Company. $e having 60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and Alderman Johnsone 24. But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte oI his honour lost, was very angrie, and raised a faction to cavill and contend aboute the election, and sought to taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him, and allso put him by his office oI Governour. In which contentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle in any bussines; and what issue things will come to we are not yet certaine. It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. We hope in some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean space I thinke to goe downe into Kente, and come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3. weeks hence; except either by these afforesaid contentions, or by the ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, oI which tidings I am now to speake.58.

Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice oI the intente oI the Counsell, carne away before Sr. Georg Yeardleycarne ther, and so ther is no small dissention). But his tidings are ill, though his person be wellcome. He saith Mr. Blackwellsshipe carne not ther till March, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried them to the southward beyond their course. And the Mr oI the ship and some 6. oI the mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find the bay, till after long seeking and beating aboute. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130. persons, one and other in that ship; it is said ther was in all an 180. persons in the ship, so as they were packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them the fluxe, and allso wante oI fresh water; so as it is hear rather wondred at that so many are alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack so many in the ship; yea, and ther were great mutterings and repinings amongst them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the streets at Gravsendrunge of therr extreame quarrelings, crying out one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will discourage. I see none hear discouraged much, but rather desire to larne to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of being inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be discerned to have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none to teach; but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a strategeme he once made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,which was their subversion. But though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out of the collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no letters come, the ship captain Argole carne in is yet in the west parts; all that we hear is but his report; it seemeth he carne away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said; he thouugt we should hear no good of them.59.

them. Mr. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back to you or goe into the north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if things liad gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within these 14. days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for such a bussines. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largely write of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lords protection.60.

Yours in all readines, etc.

London, May 8, Ano: 1619

A word or tow by way of digression touching this Mr. Blackwell ; he was an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He declined from the trueth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with him when they parted assunder in that wofull maner, which brought so great dishonour to God, scandall to the trueth, and outward ruine to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest with him in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the terrable seas, and others sunke under the burthen of better afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private meeting (I take it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were apprehended, wherof Mr. Blackwell was one; but he so glosed with the bps,and either dissembled or flatly denyed the trueth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, and to obtaine his owne freedtme brought others into bodds. Wherupon he so wone the bps favour (but lost the Lord’s) as he was not only dismiste, but in open coarte the archbishop gave him great applause and his sollemne blessing to proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow the bps blessing, happie are they that misse the same; it is much better to keepe a good consciente and have the Lords blessing, whether in life or death.61.

But see how the man thus apprehended by Mr. Blackwells means, writs to a freind of his.62.

Right dear freind and christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute you and yours in the Lord, etc.
As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maistersone, who should have tasted of the same cupp, had his place of residente and his person been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to Mr. Sherives, and once to my Lord Cooke,’ and have used such reasons to move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I was a yonge roan living by my credite, indebted to diverse in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a Glose and tedious prison; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying still, my only servante lying lame in the countrie, iny wife being also great with child. And yet no answer till the lords of his majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a greatdeale less adoe; yea, with an addition of the Archp: blessing. I am sorie for Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he and some others of them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for the best that I was nominated,2 not because the Lord sanctifies evill to good, but that the action was good, yea for the best. One reason I well remember he used was, because this trouble would encrease the Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more generally inclined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present to acquaint you withall, commending myselfe to your prairs, I cease, and committe you and us all to the Lord.63.

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.

Your freind, and brother in bonds,

Septr: 4. Ano: 1618.
But thus much by the way, which may be of instruction and good use.64.

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed under the Companies seale;but these devissions and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in the narre of any of their owne, but in the narre of Mr. John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to the Countess of Lincoline), who intended to goe with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patente,which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by the sequell will appeare. This patente being sente’bver for them to veiw and consider, as also the passages aboute the propossitions between them and such marchants and freinds as should either goe or adventure with them, and espetially with thoseon whom they did cheefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all speed. A right emblime, it may be, of the uncertine things of this world; that when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke.65.

The 6. Chap

Conscerning the agreements and artickles between them, and such marchants and others as adventured moneys; with other things falling out aboute making their provissions.

UPON the receite of these things by one of their messengers, they had a sollemne meeting and a day of humilliation to seeke the Lord for his direction; and their pastor tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David’s men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Phillistines2 Then David asked counsell o f the Lord againe, etc. From which texte he taught many things very aptly, and befitting ther present occasion and condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in the resolutions. After which they concluded both what number and what persons should prepare them selves to goe with the first; for all that were willing to have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so shorte a time; neither if all coald have been ready, had ther been means to have transported them alltogeather. Those that staied being the greater number required the pastor to stay with them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then well goe, and so it oras the more easilie yeelded unto. The other then desired the elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, which was also condescended unto.66.

It oras also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, that those that went should be an absolute church of them selves, as well as those that staid; seing in such a dangrous vioage, and a removall to such a distante, it might come to pass they should (for the body of them) never meete againe in this world; yet with this proviso, that as any of the rest came over to them, or of the other returned upon occasion, they should be reputed as members without any further dismission or testimoniall. It oras aliso promised to those that wente first, by the body of the rest, that if the Lord gave them life, and means, and opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as they could.67.

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with the proseedings of the Virginia Company, and the ill news from thence aboute Mr. Blackwell and his Company, and making inquirey about the hiring and buying of shiping for their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing with them.l Also one Mr. Thomas Weston,2 a merchant of London, came to Leyden aboute the same time, (who vas well aquainted with some of them, and a furtherer of them in their former proSeedings,) haveing much conferance with Mr. Robinson and other of the cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems) and not to medie with the Duteh, or too much to depend on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came to resolution, he and such marchants as were his freends (togeather with their owne means) would sett them forth; and they should make ready, and neither feare -wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so much for him selfe as for the satisfing of such frends as he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to draw such articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as might the better induce his freinds to venture. Upon which (after the formere conclusion) artieles were drawne and agreed unto, and were showne unto him, and approved by him; and afterwards by their messenger (Mr. John Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to receive the moneys and make provissione both for shiping and other things for the vioage; with this charge, not to exseede their commission, but to proseed according to the former articles. Also some were chossen to doe the like for such things as were to be prepared there; so those that oreare to goe, prepared them selves with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such as were able) put in their moneys into the commone stock, which was disposed by those appointed, for the making of generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, both by Mr. Weston and others, that sundrie Honbl: Lords had obtained a large grante from the king, for the more northerly parts of that countrie, derived out of the Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to be called by another name, viz. New-England.l Unto which Mr. Weston, and the cheefe of them, begane to incline it was best for them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheefly for the hope of present profite to be made by the fishing that was found in that countrie.68.

But as in all bussineses the acting parte is most difficulte, espetially wher the worke of many agents must concurr, so it was found in this; for some of those that should have gone in England, fell of and would not goe; other marchanta and freinds that had offered to adventure their moneys withdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana; others againe would adventure nothing excepte they wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were most relied on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and would doe nothing if they wente thither. In the midds of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things would come too; but at length the generalitie. was swaid to this latter opinion. 69.

But now another difficultie arose, for Mr. Weston and some other that were for this course, either for theirbetter advantage or rather for the drawing on of others, as they pretended, would have some of those conditions altered that were first agreed on at Leyden. To which the 2. agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most charged with it) did consente ; seeing els that all was like to be dashte, and the opportunitie lost, and that they which had put of their estats and paid in their moneys were in hazard to be undon. They presumed to conclude with the marchanta on those termes, in some things contrary to their order and commission, and without giving them notice of the same; yea, it was conceled least it should make any furder delay; which was the cause afterward of much trouble and contention.70.

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which are as f oloweth.71.

Ano 1620. July 172.

1. The adventurers and planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years and upward, be rated at 10li., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.73.

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10li. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing 20li.. in stock, and in the devssion shall receive a double share.74.

3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their joynt stock and partnership togeather, the space of 7. years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause the whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits and benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in the commone stock untill the division.75.

4. That at their comming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon the land; as building houses, tilling, and planting the ground, and makeing shuch commodities as shall be most usefull for the collonie.76.

5. That at the end of the 7. years, the capitall and profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte the adventurers, and planters; which done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.77.

6. Whosoever cometh to the colonie herafter, or putteth any into the stock, shall at the ende of the 7. years be alowed proportionably to the time of his so doing.78.

7. He that shall carie his wife and children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years and upward, a single share in the devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in transportation and devision.79.

8. That such children as now goe, and are under the age of ten years, have noe other shar in the devision, but 50. acera of unmanured land.80.

9. That such persons as die before the 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at the devision, proportionably to the time of their life in the collonie.81.

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of the common stock and goods of the said collonie.82.

The cheefe and principall differences betwene these and the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that the houses, and Lands improved, espetialy gardens and home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to the planters at the 7. years end. 2ly, that they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for the more comforte of them selves and their families, espetialy such u had families. But because letters are by some wise men counted the best parte of histories, I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne letters, in which the passages of things will be more truly discerned.83.

A letter o f Mr. Robinsons lo John Carver.
June 14. 1620. N. Stile. My dear freind and brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to commend to God by my best and most earnest praires.
You doe throwly understand by our generall letters the estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of money and means to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering,you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Cushman presumed of I know not how many 100li. from him, and I know not whom. Yet it seems strange that we should be put to him to receive both his and his partners adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, that in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100li. more. But ther is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in the whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not answerable from him. hitherto. That he should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but that I can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But that he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and the same knowne to. us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my consciente be excused. I have heard that when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to the others; and would come to Georg Morton,l and enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone and so encrease the charge of shiping above that is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking that therby Mr. Brewerand Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are that things are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those tow; the one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man, and of spetiall abilities in his kind yet) most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but termes and presumptions. The other, that we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing the perticuler course and means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in the course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute the conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, that the greatest parte of the Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land and building houses, but upon fishing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be but a trifell for advantage to the adventurers, and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to the planters, who would with singuler tare make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same con. sideration of commone imploymente constantly by the most is a good reason not to have the 2. daies in a weeke denyed the few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to commone good. Consider also how much unfite that you and your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, and how many, and perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while, but the provissions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and yours well allways in the Lord, in whom I rest.84.

Yours to use,

An other letter from sundrie o f them al the same time.
To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, etc. Good bretheren, after salutations, etc.
We received diverse letters at the coming of Mr. Nashand our pilott, which is a great incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister oceasion of praising God; and indeed had you not seene him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of the new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For the former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to after the same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to the censure of the godly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. that the marchants should have the halfe of mens houses and lands at the dividente; and that persons should be deprived of the 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them then all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash, and not from any writing of your owne, and therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed upon the things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these are, etc.85.

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him that (under God) we much relie upon him and put our confidente in him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened the state of things with us in this matter, you will, etc. Thus beseeching the Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; raising such means by his providente and fatherly tare for us, his pore children and servants, as we may with comforte behould the hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his name and fear, we take leave and remaine86.

Your perplexed, yet hopfull bretheren,

S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A
June 10. New Stille, Ano: 1620
A letter of Robart Cushmns to them.
I understand by letters and passagess that have come to me, that ther are great discontents, and dislike of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but that partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all the viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of the alteration of one clause in the conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For the articles first brought over by John Carver were never seene of any of the adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at the first ther was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all the rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had not altered that clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conelude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter the equitie of that condition, and our inconvenientes, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob:inconvenientes, that without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves and bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against that clause in the conditions, which as they were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconvenientes, such as a man might frame 20. as great on the other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse and mistake both the very ground of the article and nature of the project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses and Lands, it had been better for the poore. True, and that showeth the inequalitie of the condition; we should more respecte him that ventureth both his money and his person, then him that ventureth but his person only. 87.

2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then anotherfor 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At-the least, we must not in such bussines crIe, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not before you have need.88.

3. This will hinder the building of good and faire houses, contrarie to the advise of pollitiks? A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for the presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; qur riches shall not be in pompe, but-iu–strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, munition, etc. You may lee it amongst the best pollitiks, that a commonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.89.

4. The Govet may presente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, the Gove” laboure is spared.90.

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civill or religious. 91.

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 51i. A. True, it may be not worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly and covetous ? I will not say what I have heard lince these complaints came first over.92.

7. Our freinds with us that adventure mind not their owne profite, as did the old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2ly. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can.93.

8. It will break the course of communitie, as may be showed by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be-showed by many reasons.94.

9. Great Profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. A. As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still upon it, and if such profite in that way come, our labour shall be the less on the land, and our houses and Lands must and will be of less value.95.

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us ? hath not the motion and resolution been always in our selves ? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes and conditions ? If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. 96.

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of the 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to the adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion and consciente, and so fitte to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed the ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, etc.97.

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as the Spanish Inquision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to be the Jonas, let them cast me of before we goa; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, etc.98.


But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it was staied by Mr. Carver and kept by him, forgiving offence. But this which follows was ther received; both which I thought pertenent to recite.99.

Another of his lo the a foresaid, June 11. 1620
Salutations, etc.
I received your le[tte]r yesterday, by John Turner,with another the same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of the place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her, togeather with the demurrs and retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his comeing aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only the pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to aquainte Mr. Weston with the fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented at soma thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with the bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, and how it stood both on our credits and undoing, at the last he gathered up him selfe a litle more, and coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste,for a greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without troubling them any further; and if the ship fale too small, it fitteth well that such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks come in the way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship hire, will be indusced to venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all the rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it amonth or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholdstare ther, and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine 100.

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for ther censurs; and if I had more minde to goe and dispute and expostulate with them, then I have tare of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat the eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute the water, and other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I cannot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne the reproofe to your selves, and send an other, and let me come againe to my Combes.But setting a side my natural’ infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, and all indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see finto the equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all erosses whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all ‘ove and affection. I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days.101.

Your pore brother,

June 11. 1620.
Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 3. that received the moneys and made the provissions in England; for besids these tow formerly mentioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver and Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make the provisions for the vioage; his name was Mr. Martin,he carne from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts carne sundrie others to goe with them, as also from London and other places; and therfore it was thought meete and conveniente by them in Holand that these strangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much for any great need of ther help, as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their tare for giving offence, both in this and other things afterward, turned to great inconveniente unto them, as in the sequell will apeare; but however it shewed their equall and honest minds. The provissions were for the most parte made at Southhamton, contrarie to Mr. Westons and Robert Cushmans mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterward.102.

To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, etc.

Loving freind,
I have received from you some letters, full of affection and complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing out, Negligente, negligente, negligente, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in the bussines. Yet know you that all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. you have referente to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended that our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith that in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, with going up and downe, and wrangling and expostulating, pass over the sommer before we will goe. And to speake the trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us a fiatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters directed to you, though they only consterne me. I will not trouble you with them. I always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but let them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. and odd moneys of all the venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would have had some thing shortened at first of beare and other provissions in hope of other adventurs, and nowwe could have, both in Amsterd: and Kent, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build and shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, ther was a schisme amongst us 3. at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to, prevente the inaking of the provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he that is in a societie and yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if ther be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we that should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling and insulting. Yet your money which you ther must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500li. you say will serve; for the rest which hear and in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see hita shipped, for he is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord guid us all.103.

Your loving freind,

London, June 10. Ano : 1620.
I have bene the larger in these things, and so shall Grave leave in some like passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour to be more contrate,) that their children may see with what difficulties their fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their first beginnings, and how God brought them along notwithstanding all their weaknesses and infirmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in after times by others in such like waightie imployments; and herewith I will end this chapter.104.

The 7. Chap.

0f their departure from Leyden, and other things ther abouue, with their arivall at South hamton, were they all mete togeather, and tooke in ther provissions.

AT length, after much travell and these debats, all things were got ready and provided. A smale ship was bought, and fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in the euntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for the good and benefite of the colonie when they came ther. Another was hired at London, of burden about 9. score; and all other things gott in readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day of solleme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte from Ezra S. 21. And ther at the river, by Ahava, I proelaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves be f ore our God, and seeke o f him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance. Upon which he spente a good parte of the day very profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. The rest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to the Lord with great fervencie, mixed with abundante of tears. And the time being come that they must departe, they were accompanied with most of their brethren out of the citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,l wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So they lefte that goodly and pleasante citie, which had been ther resting place near 12. years; but they knew they were pilgrimes,2 and looked not much on these things, but lift up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the place they found the ship and all things ready; and shuch of their freinds as could not come with them followed after them, and sundrie also came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with htle sleepe by the most, but with freindly entertainmente and christian discourse and other reall expressions of true christian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly dolfull was the sight of that sade and mournfull parting; to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches peirst each harte; that sundry of the Dutch strangers that stood on the key as spectators, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfortable and sweete t was to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear and unfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling them away that were thus loath to departe, their Rev[erjead pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they all with hirn,) with watrie cheeks commended them with most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall imbrases and many thars, they tooke their leaves one of an other; which proved to be the last leave to many of them.105.

Thus hoysing Baile,with a prosperus winde they came in short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, with all the rest of their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall congratulations, with other frendly entertainements, they fell to partey aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with the best expedition; as allso with their agents aboute the alteration of the conditions. Mr. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton,a and knew not well what the other had don at London. Mr. Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what he was rlrged too, partly by the grounds of equity, and more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. And in the begining he aquainted his felow agents here with “rho consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive the money at London and send it downe to them at l-lamton, wher they made the provissions; the which he accordingly did, though it was against his minde, and some of the marchants, that they were their made. And for giveing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in regarde of the shortnes of the time; againe, he knew it would trouble them and hinder the bussines, which was already delayed overlong in regard of the season of the year, which he feared they would find to their cost. But these things gave not contente at presente. Mr. Weston, likwise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to have the conditions confirmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew right well that these were not according to the first agreemente neither could they yeeld to them without the contente of the rest that were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came away, from the cheefe of these that were be hind, not to doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould them, they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So he returned in displeasure, and this was the first ground of discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near l00li. to clear things at their going away, he would not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. So they were forst to selle of some of their provissions to stop this gape, which was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best spare, haveing provided too large a quantitie of that kind. Then they write a leter to the marchants and adventures aboute the diferances concerning the conditions, as foloweth. 106.

Aug. 3. Ano : 1620 Beloved freinds,
sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see the most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) ta show you the just cause and reason of our differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman, without our comission or knowledg. And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in the 5. and 9. article, concerning the deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, that when the greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day set for the moneys, those of Holland paid in theirs. After that, Robart Cushman, Mr. Peirceand Mr. Martine, brought them into a better forme, and write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins a coppy therof under his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats and were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte the vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene commited, lay it wher it is, and not upon us, who have more cause to stand for the one, then you have for the other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further the provissions till John Carver carne, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to the end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men that we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also the good and inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to the rest, promising you againe by leters in the behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within the 7. years, that we will continue togeather longer with you, if the Lord give a blessing? This we hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured that if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, etc. We are in shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to eleare the Haven, and withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, and trust to the good providente of God, rather then his narre and truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching the Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe al] our harts in the bonds of peace and love, we take leave and rest,107.

Yours, etc.

Aug. 3. 1620.
It was subscribed with many names of the cheefest of the company.109.

At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to the whole company, which though it hath already bene printed,yet I thought good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly tare of a true pastor appears.110.

My dear Brother,-
I received inclosed in your last leter the note of information, which I shall carefuly keepe and make use of as ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind and toyle of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully to administer comforte unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot oppresse you, though they press you, as the Apostle speaks. The spirite of a man (sustained by the spirite of God) will sustaine his infirmitie, I dout not so will yours. And the beter much when you shall injoye the presente and help of so many godly and wise bretheren, for the bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte into their harts the least thought of suspition of any the least negligente, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto you and your goodwife my loving sister?z even only this, I desire (and allways shall) unto you from the Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe that my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily coming at the first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to the whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them; and the more, considering the wante of a preacher, which I shall also make sume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever commend my best affection unto you, which if I thought you malle any doubte of, I would express in more, and the same more ample and full words. And the Lord in whom you trust and whom you serve ever in this bussines and journey, guid you with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you and us his salvation in the end, and bring us in the mean while togeather in the place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. Amen. 111.

Yours, etc.

Jo: R.
July 27. 1620.
This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see frorn him. The other follows.112.

Lovinge Christian friends,
I doe hartily and in the Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather then otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for the present. Make accounte of me in the mean while, as of a man devided in my selfe with great paine, and as (natural] bonds set a side) having my beter parte with you. And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your presente state and condition, both severally and joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in love and dutie. And first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, espetially for our cines known, and generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth the Lord cal] us in a singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and carefull reformation of your ways in his sight; least he., calling to remembrance our cines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, and in judgmente leave us for the same to be swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest repentance and the pardon therof from the Lord sealed up unto a mans consciente by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death. 113.

Nownext after this heavenlypeacewith God and our owne conscientes, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth, espetially with our associats, and for that watchfullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take offence being given by others. Woe, be unto the world for offences, for though it be necessarie (considering the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either by whom the offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in the unseasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be feared then death itselfe, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour of God nor ]ove of man is thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is it sufficiente that we keepe our selves by the grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be armed against the taking of them when they be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants charitie to cover a multitude of offences, as the scriptures speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the commone grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; or lastly, are grosse, though Glose hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it; neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have nurished this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse motives provoking you above others to great tare and consciente this way: As first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so stand in neede of more watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly affected with them; which doth require at your hands much wisdome and charitie for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civil] comunitie will minister continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so often as we doe murmure at his providente in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore patience against the evill day, without which we take offence at the Lord him selfe in his holy and just works.114.

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with your commone imployments you joyne commone affections truly bente upon the general] good, avoyding as a deadly plague of your both commone and spetiall comfort all retirednes of minde for proper advantage, and all singularly affected any maner of way; let every man represe in him selfe and the who] body in each person, as so many rebels against the commone good, all prIvate respects of mens selves, not sorting with the general] conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to have a new house shaken with any violente before it be well setled and the parts firmly knite, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more carfull, that the house of God which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions at the first setling therof.115.

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall eminencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into of$ce of goverment, let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chusing shuch person s as doe entirely love and will promote the commone good, but also i:a yeelding unto them all due honour and obediente in their lawfull administrations; not behoulding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not being like the foolish multitud who more honour the gay coste, then either the vertuous minde of the roan, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane persons soever. And this dutie you both may the more willingly and ought the more conscionably to performe, because you are at least for the present to have only them for your or. dinarie governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke. Sundrie other things of importante I could put you in minde of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of those things, ther being also diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves and others of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, and the same in few words, I doe ernestly commend unto your tare and consciente, joyning therwith my daily incessante prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providente is over all his workes, espetially over all his dear children for good, would so guide and gard you in your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and we also, for and with you, may have after matter of praising his narre all the days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest.116.

An unfained wellwiller of your hapie success in this hopefull voyage,

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place. 117.

All things being now ready, and every bussines dispatched, the company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation with all and after fruit with many. Then they ordered and distributed their company for either shipe, as they conceived for the best. And chose a Govr and 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to order the people by the way, and see to the dispossing of there provissions, and shuch like affairs. All which was not only with the liking of the maisters of the ships, but according to their desires. `Vhich being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute the 5. of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of England will appeare in the nexte chapter.118.

The 8. Chap.

Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea being Torced, after much trouble, to leave one of tW ships and some o f their companie behind them.

BEING thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but Mr. Reinolds the mr of the leser ship complained that he found his ship so leak as he durst not put further to sea till she was mended. So the mr of the biger ship (caled Mr. Jonas) being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth and have her ther searched and mended, which accordingly was done, to their great charg and losse of time and a faire winde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to sterne, some leaks were found and mended, and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, that she was sufhciente, and they might proceede without either fear or danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put to sea againe, conceivingtheyshould goe comfortably on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe above 100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company togeather all this while, the mr of the small ship complained his ship was so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce free her with much pumping. So they carne to consultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up backe againe and put into Plimmoth, which accordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but it was judged to be the generall weaknes of the shipe, and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage. Upon which it was resolved to dismise her and parte of the companie, and proceede with the other shipe. The which (though it was greevous, and caused great discouragmente) was put in execution. So after they had tooke out such provission as the other ship could well stow, and concluded both what number and what persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, the one ship going backe for London, and the other was to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte such as were willing so to doe, either out of some discontente, or beare they conceived of the ill success of the vioage, seeing so many croses befale, and the year time so farr spente; but others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to bear the brunte of this hard adventure; unto which worke of God, and judgmente of their brethern, they were contented to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie, this small nuYnber was devided, as if the Lord by this worke of his providente thought these few to many for the great worke he had to doe. But here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found that the leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, and too much pressed with sayles; for after she was sould and put into her old trime, she made many viages and performed her service very sufficiently, to the great profite of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning and deceite of the mr and his company, who were hired to stay a whole year in the cuntrie, and now fancying dislike and fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards was knowne, and by some of them confessed. For they apprehended that the greater ship, being of forte, and in whom nlost of the provissions were stowed, she would retayne enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or the passengers; and indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by some of them; and yet, besids other incouragments, the cheefe of them that carne from Leyden wente in this shipe to give the Inr contente. But so strong was self love and his fears, as he forgott all duty and former kindnesses, and delt thus falsly with them, though he pretended otherwise. Amongest those that returned was Mr. Cushman and his familie, whose hart and courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though his body was with them till now he departed; as may appear by a passionate letter he write to a freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay ther a mending; the which, besids the expressions of his owne fears, it shows much of the providente of God working for their good beyonde man’s expectation, and other things concerning their condition in these streats.I will hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities in him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe the ofices of a loving freind and faithfull brother unto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them.119.

The letter is as followth.120.

To his loving friend Ed: Henige House in the Duks Place, these, etc

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. Loving friend,
my most kind remembrance to you and your wife, with loving E. M. etc. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids the eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all licelyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more and more these 14. days, as that allthough I doe the acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; but the will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to trimme her, and I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she was twise trimmed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher the water carne in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by that time the wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our victualls will be halfe caten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls when we come in the countrie. Neare 700li. hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines and tare, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also he so insulteth over our poore people, with shuch scorne and contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing,and the mourning of our people. They complaine to me, and alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, and waspish, discontented people, and I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others that would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might depart; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling and controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as that some thrcaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave the shipe and goe their way. But at the best this cometh of it, that he maks him selfe a scorne and laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming the conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile the trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in the falte who charged them never to contente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose.But he and they will rue too late, they may now see, and all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, and so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left the whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, and better the vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, and detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of the cheefe of them which carne from Leyden, carne resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to the marchants for a pine, they were.bloudsuckers, and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions with the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne? Who will goe and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on what conditions ? 2y. I tould him of the alteration longe agoe, and he was contente; but now he dominires, and said I had betrayed them into the hands of selves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man ? He hath but 50li. in, and if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him, as I am persuaded,etc. Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our selves, and devoyd of good tutors and regimente. Violente will break al]. Wher is the meek and humble spirite of Moyses ? and of Nehemiah who reedified the wals of Jerusalem, and the state of Israell ? Is noi the shoud of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us ? Have not the philosophers and all wise men observed that, even in setled commone welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in the raising of commone wealths, when the morter is yet scarce tempered that should bind the wales. If I should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly, it may be the Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even the gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, and his will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, and expecte it howerly; haveing received the sentance of death, both within me and without me. Poore William King and my selfe doe strive who shall be meate first for the fishes; but we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no more, but looking unto the joye that is before us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light in comparison of that joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, and wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke thenl in the face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, and many things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, the Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you and yours.121.

. Your loving freind,

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620.

These being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.122.

The 9. Chap.

Of their vioage, and how they passed the sea, and o f their safe arrival at Cape Codd.

SEPTR : 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all being compacte togeather in one shipe,they put to sea againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet according to the, usuall maner many were alicted with seasicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providente. Ther was a proud and very profane yonge man, one of the sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he would allway be contemning the poore people in their sicknes, and cursing them dayly with greevous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear rnost bitterly. But it plased God before they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe the first that was throwne overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him.123.

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which the shipe was shroudlyshaken, and her upper works madeo very leakie; and one of the maine beames in the midd ships was bowed and craked, which put them in some fear that the shipe could not be able to performe the vioage. So some of the cheefe of the company, perceiveing the mariners to faare the suffisiencie of the shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation with the mr and other officers of the ship, to consider in time of the danger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a desperate and inevitable perill. And truly ther was great distraction and differance of opinion amongst the mariners them selves; faine would they doe what could be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) and on the other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. But in examening of all opinions, the lnr and others affirmed they knew the ship to be stronge and firme under water; and for the buckling of the maine beame, ther was a great iron scrue the passengers brought out of Holland, which would raise the beame into his place; the which being done, the carpenter and mr affirmed that with a post put under it, set firme in the lower deck, and otherways bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for the decks and uper workes they would calke them as well as they could and though with the workeing of the ship they would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they commited thern selves to the will of God, and resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these stormes the winds were so feirce, and the seas so high, as they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull, for diverce days togither. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge man (called Jolln Howland) coming upon some occasion aboye the grattings, was, with a seele of the shipe throwne into [the] sea; but it pleased God that he caught hould of the top-saile halliards, which hunge over board, and rane out at length; yet he held his hould (though he was sundrie fadomes under water) till he was hald up by the same rope to the brime of the water, and then with a boat hooke and other means got into the shipe againe, and his life saved; and though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after, and became a profitable member both in church and commone wealthe. In all this viage ther died but one of the passengers, which was William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near the coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; the which being made and certainly knowne to be it, they were not a litle joyfull. After some deliberation had amongst them selves and with the mr of the ship, they y tacked aboute and resolved to stande for the southward (the wind and weather being faire) to finde some place aboute Hudsons river for their habitation. But after they had sailed that course aboute halfe the day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers, and they were so farr intangled ther with as they conceived them selves in great danger; and the wind shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods providence they did. And the next day they gott into the Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie. A word or too by the way of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole and his company, Anoo: 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape James; but it retains the former name amongst seamen. Also that pointe which first shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, and Tuckers Terrour; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Malabarr,= by reason of those perilous shoulds, and the losses they have suffered their.124.

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from all the periles and miseries therof, againe to set their feete on the firme and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his owne Italy; as he affirmed,3 that he had rather remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a short time; so tedious and dreadfull was the same unto him.But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he well considera the same. Being thus passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembred by that which vente before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, )for inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for succoure. It is recorded in scriptureas, a mercie to the apostle and his shipwraked company, that the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with them (as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then otherwise. And for the season it vas winter, and they that know the winters of that cuntrie know them to be sharp and violent, and subjecte to cruell and feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known places, much more to serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a hidious and desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts and willd men? and what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it were, goe up to the tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdernes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for which way soever they turnd their eys (save upward to the heavens) they could have litle solace or content in respecte of any outward objects. `For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face; and the whole countrie, full of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage heiw. If they looked behind them, ther vas the mighty otean which they had passed, and vas now as a maine barr and goulfe to seperate them from all the civill parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from the mr and company ? but that with speede they should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they would be at some near distante; for the season vas shuch as he would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor vas discovered by them wher they would be, and he might goe without danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he must and would keepe sufflcient for them selves and their returne. Yea, it vas muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would turne them and their goods ashore and leave them. Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply and succoure they left behinde them, that might bear up their minds in this sade condition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their brethren at Leyden vas cordiall and entire towards them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and how the case stode betweene them and the marchanta at their coming away, hath allready been declared. What could now sustaine them but the spirite of God and his grace? May not and ought not the children of these fathers rightly soy: Our f aithers were Englishmen which come over this great otean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes; but they eried unto the Lord, and he heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie, etc. Let them ther f ore praise the Lord, because he is good, and his mercies endure for ever. Yea, let them which have been redeemed of the Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressour. When they wandered in the deserte willdernes out of the way, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, and thirstie, their sowle vas overwhelmed in them. Let them confesa before the Lord his loving kindnes, and his wonderfull works be f ore the sons o f men. 125.

The 10. Chap.

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what be f ell them theraboute.

BFING thus arrived at Cap-Cod the 11. of November, and necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habitation, (as well as the maisters and marinera importunitie,) they having brought a large shalop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in the ship, they now gott her out and sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up; but being much brused and shatered in the shipe with foule weather, they saw she would be longe in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered them selves to goe by ‘and and discovere those nearest places, whilst the shalopp was in mending; and the rather because as they wente into that harbor ther seemed to be an opening solee 2. or 3 leagues of, which the maister judged to be a river. It was conceived ther might be some danger in the attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16, of them well armed, under the conduct of Captain Standish,having shuch instructions given them as was thought meete. They sett forth the 15. of Novebr: and when they had marched aboute the space of a mile by the sea side, they espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, who were salvages; but they fIed from them, and ranne up into the woods, and the English followed them, partly to see if they could speake with them, and partly to discover if ther might not be more of them lying in ambush. But the Indeans seeing them selves thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, and rape away on the sands as hard as they could, so as they could not come near them, but followed them by the tracte of their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So, night coming on, they made their randevous and set out their sentinels, and rested in quiete that night, and the next morning followed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, and so left the sands, and turned an other way into the woods. But they still followed them by geuss, hopeing to find their dwellings; but they soone lost both them and them selves, falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear their cloaths, and armore in peeces, but were most distresed for wante of drinke. But at length they found water and refreshed them selves, being the first New-England water they drunke of, and was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards they directed their course to come to the other shore, for they knew it was a necke of ‘and they were to crosse over, and so at length gott to the sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, and by the way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good quantitie of clear ground wher the Indeans had formerly set torne, and some of their graves.And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher torne had been set the same year, also they found wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with torne, and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (haveing never seen any shuch before). This was near the place of that supposed river they came to seeck ;z unto which they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes with a high cliffe of sand in the enterance, but more like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw; and that ther was good harborige for their shalope; leaving it further to be discovered by their shalop when she was ready. So their time limeted them being expired, they returned to the ship, least they should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke with them parte of the coree, and buried up the rest, and so like the mee from Eshcoll carried with them of the fruits of the land, and showed their breethren; of which, and their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts incouraged.126.

After this, the shalop being got ready, they set out againe for the better discovery of this place, and the mr of the ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats; ther was allso found 2. of their houses covered with matts, and sundrie of their implements in them, but the people were rune away and could not be seen; also ther was found more of their corve, and of their beans of various collours. The torne and beans they brought away, purposing to give them full satisfaction when they should meete with any of them (as about some 6. months afterward they did, to their good contente). And here is to be noted a spetiall providente of God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that hear they gott seed to plant them torne the next year, or els they might have starved, for they had pone, nor any liklyhood to get any till the season had beene past (as the sequell did manyfest). Neither is it lickly they had had this, if the first viage had not been made, for the ground was now all covered with snow, and hard frozen. But the Lord is never wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy name have all the praise. 127.

The month of November being spente in these affairs, and much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desemr: they sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their principall men, and some sea men, upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The weather was very could, and it frose so hard as the sprea of the sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glased; yet that night betimes they gott downe into the botome of the bay, and as they drue nere the shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indeans very busie aboute some thing. They landed aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a doe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats. Being landed, it grew late, and they made them selves a barricade with loggs and bowes as well as they could in the time, and set out their sentenill and betooke them to rest, and saw the smoake of the fire the savages made that night. When morning was come they devided their company, some to coaste along the shore in the boate, and the rest lnarched throw the woods to see the land, if any fit place lnight be for their dwelling. They carne allso to the place wher they saw the Indans the night before, and found they had been cuting up a great fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike of fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by the way; and the shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on the sands, a thing usuall after storms in that place, byreason of the great flats of sand that lye of. So theyranged upand doune all that day, but found no people, nor any place they liked. When the supe grue low,they hasted out of thewoods to meete with their shallop, to whom they made signes to come to them into a creeke hardby, the which they did at highwater; of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all that day, since the morning. So they made them a barricado (as usually they did every night) with loggs, staks, and thike pine bowes, the height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from the could and wind (making their fire in the midle, and lying round aboute it), and partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of the savags, if they should surround them.So being very weary, they betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight, they heard a hideous and great crIe, and their sentinell caled, “Arme, arme”; so they bestired them and stood to their armes, and shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. They concluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd beasts; for ove of the sea men tould them he had often heard shuch a noyse in New-found land. So they rested till about 5. of the clock in the morning; for the tide, and ther purposs to goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So after praisr they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be carring things downe to the boate. But some said it was not best to carrie the armes downe, others said they would be the readier, for they had layed them up in their coats from the dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary theirs till they wente them selves, yet as it fell out, the water being not high enough, they layed them downe on the banke side, and carne up to breakfast. But presently, all on the sudain, they heard a great and strange crie, which they knew to be the same voyces they heard in the night, though they varied their notes, and one of their company being abroad carne runing in, and cried, “Men, Indeans, Indeans”; and withall, their arrwes carne flying amongst them. Their men rape with all speed to recover their armes, as by the good providente of God they did. In the mean time, of those that were ther ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, and 2. more stood ready in the enterance of ther randevoue, but were ocomanded not to shoote till they could take- full aime at them; and the other 2. charged againe with al] speed, for ther were only 4. had armes ther, and defended the baricado which was first assalted. The crie of the Indeans was dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune out of the randevoue towourds the shallop, to recover their armes, the Indeans wheeling aboute upon them. But some running out with coats of malle on, and cutlasses in their hands, they soone got their armes, and let flye amongs them, and quickly stopped their violente. Yet ther was a lustie man, and no less valiante, stood behind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his arrows flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes, which were all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking full aime at him, and made the banke or splinters of the tree fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they wente all of them. They left some to keep the shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of a mille, and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. peces, and so returned. This they did, that they might conceive that they were not affrade of them or any way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enimies, and give them deliverance; and by his spetiall providence so to dispose that not any one of them were either hurte, or hitt, though their arrows carne Glose by them, and on every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in the barricado, were shot throw and throw. Aterwards theygave God sollamne thanks and praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of their arrows, and sente them into England afterward by the mr of the ship, and called that place the first encounter. From hence they departed, and costed all along, but discerned-no place likly for harbor; and therfore hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had bine in the cuntrie before)did assure them was,agood harbor, which he had been in, and they might before night; of which they were glad, for it begane to be Soule weather. After some houres sailing, it begane to snow and raine, and about the mdle of the afternoone, the wind increased, and the sea became very rough, and they broake their rudder, and it was as much as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw the harbor; but the storme increasing, and night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to gett in, while they could see. But herwith they broake their mast in 3. peeces, and their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to have been cast away; yet by God’s mercie they recovered them selves, and having the floud with them, struck into the harbore. But when it carne too, the pillott was deceived in the place, and said, the Lord be mercifull unto them, for his eys never saw that place before; and he and the mr mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before the winde. But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere and row lustly, for ther was a faire sound before them, and he doubted not but they should find one place or other wher they might ride in saftie. And though it was very darke, and rained sore, yet in the end they gott under the lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther all that night in saftie.But they knew not this to be an iland till morning, but were devided in their minds; some would keepe the boate for fear they might be amongst the Indians; others were so weake and could, they could not endure, but got a shore, and with much adoe got fine, (all things being so wett,) and the rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight the wind shifted to the north-west, and it frose hard. But though this had been a day and night of much trouble and danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte and refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for the next day was a faire sunshining day, and they found theni sellvs to be on an iland secure from the Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, and rest them selves, and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould deliverances. And this being the last day of the weeke, they prepared ther to keepe the Sabath. On Munday they sounded the harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping; and marched into the land,Z and found diverse cornfeilds, and litle runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at least it was the best they could find, and the season, and their presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So they returned to their shipp againe with this news to the rest of their people which did much comforte their harts.128.

On the 15. of Desemr: they wayed anchor to goe to the place they had discovered, and came within 2. leagues of it, but were faine to bear up againe; but the 16. day the winde carne faire, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And after wards tooke better view of the place, and resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and the 25. day begane to erecte the first house for commone use to receive them and their goods.129.

The rest of this History (if God give me life, and opportunity) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall things, and passage as they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as the 2. Booke
The remainder of Ano: 1620.
I SHALL a litle returne backe and begine with a. combination I made by them before they came ashore, being the first foundation of their govermente in this place; occasioned partly by the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in the ship-That when they came a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none had power to command them, the patente they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which belonged to an other Goverment, with which the Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that shuch an acte by them done (this their condition considered) might be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure.130.

The forme was as followeth.131.

In the narre of God, Amen. We whose names are under-writen, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britaine, Frane, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, cte., haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and countrie, a voyage to plant the first colonie in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly and mutualy in the presente of God, and one of another, covenant and combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just and equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time ta time, as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the generall good of the Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obediente. In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our narres at Cap-Codd the 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie fourth.132.

An: Dom. 1620.
After this they chose, or rather confirmed,z Mr. John Carver (a man godly and well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or combne store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes and orders, both for their civill and military Govermente, as the necessitie of their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as cases did require.133.

In these hard and difficulte beginings they found some discontents and murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches and carriags in other; but they were soone quelled and overcome by the wisdome, patience, and just and equall carrage of things by the Govr and better part, which clave faithfully togeather in the maine. But that which was most sadd and lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time half e of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan : and February, being the depth of winter, and wanting houses and other comforts; being infected with the scurvie and other diseases, which this long vioage and their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in the foresaid time; that of 100. and odd persons, scarce 50. remained., And of these in the time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundante of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed and uncloathed them; in a word, did all the homly and necessarie offices for them which dainty and quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly and cherfully, without any grudging in the least, shewing herein their true love unto their freinds and bretheren. A rare example and worthy to be remembred. Tow of these 7. were Mr. William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, and Myles Standish, ther Captein and military comander, unto whom my selfe, and many others, were much beholden in our low and sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vissitation, and others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doute not but their recompense is with the Lord. 134.

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among the passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drunke water, that the sea-men might have the more bear,l and one in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne fatlier he should have none; the disease begane to fall amongst then also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as the boatson, gunner, quarter-maisters, the cooke, and others. At which the mr was something strucken and sent to the sick a shore and tould the Govr he should send for beer for them that had peed of it, though he drunke water homward bound. But now amongst his company ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst the passengers; for they that before had been boone companions in drinking and joyllity in the time of their health and wellfare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of the passengers as were yet abord shewed them what merey they could, which made some of their harts relente, as the boatson (and some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse and scofe at the passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word and deed. 0 ! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye and dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this and that, for some of them, he had spente so much, and so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise and made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, and swore the rogue would cousen him, he would see hita choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet the pore fellow dyed before morning.135.

All this while the Indians carne skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, and were gone to diner. But about the 16. of March a certaine Indian carne bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastrene parts, wher some English-ships carne to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, and could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them in aquainting them with many things concerning the state of the cuntry in the east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people hear, of their names, number, and strength; of their situation and distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset;he tould them also of another Indian whos name was Squanto,a native of this place, who had been in England and could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertainmente and gifts, dismist, a while after he carne againe, and 5. more with him, and they brought againe all the tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt ; who, about 4. or 5. days after, carne with the cheefe of his freinds and other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertainment, and some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24. years)in these terms.136.

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl.137.

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send the offender, that they might punish him.138.

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the like to his.139.

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them.140.

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace.141.

6. That when ther mea carne to them, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them.142.

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their carne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for theirprofitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native of this place, and scarce any left alive beside him selfe He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt, a mr of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and wa, entertained by a marchante in London, and imployed to New-foundland and other parts, and lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sr. Ferdinando Gorges and others, for discovery, and other designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth Ano: 1622. by the Presidente and Counsell for New-England,that he made the peace betweene the salvages of these parts and the English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had the benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him and his men.143.

This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as apears by a relation written by him, and given me by a freind, bearing date June 30. Ano : 1620. And they came in Novembr: following, so ther was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very place.144.

I will first begine (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; which in Cap: Smiths mape is called Plimoth: and I would that Plimoth had the like comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther the savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits,which live to the west of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to the English, and are of more streingth then all the savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers and smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for the Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto cannot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket,had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of the borders of this great hay, may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawset and Saughtughtett are for the most part a blakish and deep mould, much like that wher groweth the best Tobacco in Virginia. In the botume of that great hay is store of Codd and basse, or mulett, etc.145.

But above all he comends Pacanawkite for the richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, etc.146.

Massachuseets z is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, and situate in the mids betweene both, is full of ilands and peninsules very fertill for the most parte.147.

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.148.

He was taken prisoner by the Indeans at Manamoiak(a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still and indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kepI them bound till they gave him a cannows load of torne. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778.But this was Ano: 1619. 149.

After the writing of the former relation he came to the Ile of Capawack(which ‘yes south of this place in the way to Virginia), and the foresaid Squanto with him, wher he going a shore amongst the Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed and assaulted by them, and all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, and they had cut of his head upon the cudy of his boat, had not the man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, and made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or the diseases of the cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. By all which it may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begane, save as the powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These thing[s] were partly the reason why they kept aloofe and were so long before they carne to the English. An other reason (as after them selvs made known) was how aboute 3. years before, a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but the men gott ashore, and saved their lives, and much of their victails, and other goods; but after the Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watching and dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them all but 3. or 4. which they kept, and sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of which the foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.150.

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to the English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachsof the cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse and exeerate them with their cunjurations, which asembly and service tllcy luda in ,t darke and dismale swampe.151.

But to returne. The spring approaching, it pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and the sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had borne their sadd affiiction with much patience and contentednes, as I thinke any people could doe. But it was the Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne the yoke, yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready published in a Jurnall rnade by one of the company;l and some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to which I referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly. And being now come to the 25. of March I shall begine the year 1621. 152.

Anno. 1621
THEY now begane to dispatch the ship away which bronght them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or the begining of Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was the necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well towards the ende of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, the 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and the weather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Govr and cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considerad, and the danger they stood in from the Indeans, till they could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some more charge upon them selves and freinds, then hazard all. The mr and sea-men likewise, though before they hasted the passengers a shore to be goone, now many of their men being dead, and of the ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of the rest many lay sick and weake, the mr durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and the hart of winter over.153.

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther torne, in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both the manar how to set it, and after how to dress and tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish and set with it (in these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he showed them that in the midle of Aprill they should have store enough come up the brooke, by which they begane to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other provissions necessary for them; all which they found true by triall and experience. Some English seed they sew, as wheat and pease, but it came not to good, eather by the badnes of the seed, or latenes of the season, or both, or some other defecte.154.

In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie about their seed, their Govr (Mr. John Carver) came out of the feild very sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within a few howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in the best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all that bore armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after him.155.

Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gover in his stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been near the point of death, Isaak Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed election every year, continued sundry years togeather, which I hear note tmc’co for all.156.

May 12. was the first mariage in this place,which, according to the laudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in which they had lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their cognizans, and most consonante to the scripturs, Ruth4. and no wher found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers as a part of their office. “This decree or law about mariage was published by the Stats of the Low-Cuntries Ano : 1590. That those of any religion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before the magistrats, in the Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them) maried one to another.” Petets Hist. fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all the famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time,-Ano : 1646.157.

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to see their new freind Massasoyet,and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him the faster unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw the countrie, and see in what maner he lived, what strength he had aboute him, and how the ways were to his place, if at any time they should have occasion. So the 2. of July they sente Mr. Edward Winslowand Mr. Hopkins, with the foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found but short commons, and carne both weary and hungrie home. For the Indeans used then to have nothing so much torne as they have since the English have stored them with their hows,l and seene their industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith. They found his place to be 40. miles from hence, the soyle good, and the people not many, being dead and abundantly wasted in the late great mortalitie which fell in all three parts aboute three years before the coming of the English,wherin thousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs and bones were found in many places lying still above ground, where their houses and dwellings had been; a very sad spectackle to behould. But they brought word that the Narighansets lived but on the other side of that great bay, and were a strong people, and many in number, living compacte togeather, and had not been at all touched with this wasting plague.158.

Aboute the later end of this month, one John Billington lost him selfe in the woods, and wandered up and downe some 5. days, living on beries and what he could find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, called Manamet, they conveid him furder of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had before set upon the English when they were costing, whilest the ship lay at the Cape, as is before noted. But the Gover caused him to be enquired for among the Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and the Gover sent a shalop for him, and had him delivered. Those people also came and made their place; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose torne they had found and taken when they were at Cap-Codd.159.

Thus ther peace and aquaintance was prety well establisht with the natives aboute them; and ther was an other Indean called Hobamackcome to live amongst them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour and parts amongst the Indeans, and continued very faithfull and constant to the English till he dyed. He and Squanto being gone upon bussines amonge the Indeans, at their returne (whether it was out of envie to them or malice to the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte, but never any good freind to the English to this day, mett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett 14. miles to the west of this place, and begane to quarell with them, and offered to stabe Hobamack; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and came running away all sweating and tould the Govr what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no other cause but because they were freinds to the English, and servisable unto them. Upon this the Gover taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne; for if they should suffer their freinds and messengers thus to be wronged, they should have none would cleave unto them, or give them any inteligente, or doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to send the Captaine and 14. men well armed, and to goe and fall upon them in the night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe and be their guid, and bring them ther before day. He said he would, and bring them to the house wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So they set forth the 14. of August, and beset the house round; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out, entred the house to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so they mist him; but understood that Squanto was alive, and that he had only threatened to kill him, and made an offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did no more hurte, and the people came trembling, and brought them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out of the house, and asaid to pass through the garde. These they brought home with them, and they had their wounds drest and cured, and sente home. After this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and much firmer peace; yea, those of the Iles of Capawack sent to make frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used the mediation of Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while after.160.

After this, the 18. of Sepembr: they sente out ther shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. mee, and Squanto for their guid and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with the natives,the which they performed, and found kind entertainement. The people were much affraid of the Tarentins,a people to the eastward which used to come in harvest time and take away their torne, and many times kill their persons. They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of beaver, and made reporte of the place, wishing they had been ther seated; (but it seems the Lord, who assignes to all mee the bounds of their habitations, had apoynted it for an other use). And thus they found the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their outgoings and incommings, for which let his holy name have the praise for ever, to all posteritie.161.

They begane now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in health and strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, and bass, and other fish, of which they tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All the sommer ther was no wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, etc. Besids they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean coree tb that proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, but true reports.162.

In Novembr, about that time twelfe month that them selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for,in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with him 35. personsto remaine and live in the plantation; which did not a litle rejoyee them. And they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were lusty yonge mee, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came into the harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by the Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some of the sea-mee had cast out) to take the sayls from the yeard least the ship should gett away and leave them ther. But the mr hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them if any thing but well should have befallne the people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed; but ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other victiallsfor them, neither had they any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats and cloaks at Pymouh as they came. But ther was sent over some burching-lanesuits in the ship, out of which they were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; but that could not now be helpte.163.

In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, the late Gover, now deseased, full of complaints and expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton; and the keeping the shipe so long in the country, and returning her without lading, etc., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as followeth:164.

Part of Mr. Westons letter.
I durst never aquainte the adventurers with the alteration of the conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know youweaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of the time you spente in discoursing, arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; but that is past, etc. If you mean, bona fide, to performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us the favore to coppy them out faine, and subscribe them with the principal) of your names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed.with good words to shift of. And consider that the life of the bussines depends on the lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may he freed from the great sums I have disbursed for the former, and must doe for the leter, I promise you I will never quit the bussines, though all the other adventurers shauld.165.

We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing that is els worth writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary both for this life and that to come, I rest166.

Your very loving frend,

London, July 6. 1621.
This ship (caled the Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being altogeather unprovided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston and the rest had apoynted him, for their better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr. Cushmns perswation,and letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeel[d]ed to the afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their hands. But it proved other avise, for Mr. Weston, who had made that large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all the rest should f all of, yet he would never quit the bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to the conditions, and sente some lading in the ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, and confirmed the same from his mouth, and serious protestations to him selfe before he came. But all proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much as heard of the returne of this ship, or knew what was done; (so vaine is the confidente in man.) But of this more in its place.167.

A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to him from the Govr, of which so much as is pertenente to the thing in hand I shall hear inserte.168.

Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated the 6. of July, 1621, I have received the 10. of Novemb`, wherin (after the apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in the Lord from all those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie,- for his tare and pains was so great for the commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may sustaine; but the loss of his and many other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of the one, ther may be hope of recovery, but the other no recompence can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more per ticulerly to the things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping the ship so long in the countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute which labour, many of our armes and leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and the well not in any measure suficiente to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting the ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst the rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound expectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, etc 169.

The rest of the letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions according to his desire, and sente him the former accounts very perticulerly; also how the ship was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood ; that the coming of these people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him and the rest of the adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his promise, etc.170.

After the departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the Gover and his assistante haveing disposed these late commers into severall families, as they best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply.171.

Soone after this ships departure, the great people of the Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould them was a threatening and a chaleng. Upon which the Govr, with the advice of others sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when they would ; they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sente the sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large allready put forth in printe,l by Mr. Winslow, at the requeste of some freinds. And it is like the reason was their owne ambition, who, (since the death of so many of the Indeans,) thought to dominire and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English would be a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings.172.

But this made them the more carefully to looke to them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shote, which were every night locked, and a watch kept and when neede required ther was also warding in the day time. And the company was by the Captaine and the Govr advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet the same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accomplished very cherfully, and the towne impayled round by the begining of March, in which evry family had a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One the day called Chrismasday, the Govr calmd them out to worke, (as was used,) but the most of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente against their conscientes to work on that day. So the Govr tould them that if they made it mater of consciente, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away the rest and left them; but when they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in the streete at play, openly; some pitching the barr and some at stoole-ball, and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and tould them that was against his consciente, that they should play and others worke. If they made the keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or revelling in the streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted that way, at least openly.173.

Anno 1622
AT the spring of the year they had apoynted the Massachusets to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to prepare for that vioag about the later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned with the Narihhansets and might betray them if they were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans. But they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe men aboute the begining of Aprill, and both Squanto and Hobamake with them, in regarde of the jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing in seeming great fear, and tould them that many of the Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not without danger. And being examined by the Govr, he made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the Govr caused them to take armes and stand on their garde, and supposing the boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which they heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was seene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was f alce ; yet the Govr caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening other occasions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to the Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God. 174.

But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they begane to see that Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting the Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he would, and make peece for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept the plague buried in the ground, and could send it amongs whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envIe, and had like to have cost him his life. For after the discovery of his practises, Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused him to stick Glose to the English, and never durst goe from them till he dyed. They also made good use of the emulation that grue betweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And the Govr seemed to countenance the one, and the Captaine the other, by which they had better intelligence, and made them both more diligente175.

Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked hard for supply, but pone came. But about the later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought had beene some Frenchman; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship which Mr. Weston and an other had set out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove,40. leagues to the eastward of them, wher were that year many more ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set downe.176.

Mr. Carver, in my last leters by the Fortune, in whom Mr. Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for Ove daly expecte the shipe back againe. She departed hence, the begining of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of the parsemonie of the adventure[r]s. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great n,aters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so faithfull, constant, and carefull of your good, are your olde and honest freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, etc. I am now to relate the occasion of sending this ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, etc. Mr. Beachamp’and my selfe bought this litle ship, and Nave set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold’ the plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what Ove are formerly out; though Ove are otherwise censured, etc. This is the occasion Ove have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom Ove desire you will frendly entertaine and supply with shuch necesaries as you cave spare, and they wante, etc. And among other things Ove pray you lend or sell them some seed torne, and if you have the salt remaining of the last year, that you will let them have it for their presente use, and Ove will either pay you for it, or give you more when Ove have set our saltpan to worke, which Ove desire may be set up in one of the litle ilands in your bay, etc. And because Ove intende, if God plase, (and the generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Virginia, etc. And it may be Ove shall send a shall ship to abide with you on the coast, which I conceive may be a great help to the plantation. To the end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good, Ove pray you give them entertainmente in your houses the time they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees and cleave them, to the end lading may be ready and our ship stay not. 177.

Some of the adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for your furtherance in the commone bussines, who are like those St. James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and Ovarme him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the plantation, but send you no means wherwithall to doe it, etc. By the next Ove purpose to send more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your peopl should be as unhumane as some of the adventurers, not to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, etc. I find the generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves.178.


your loving freind,

Jan: 12. 1621
Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent.179.

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those the Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what the psalmist saith, Psa. 118.8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have con fidence in man. And Psa. 146. Put not you, trust in princes (much less in the marchants) nor in the sope o f man, for ther is no help in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath the God ot Jacob for his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was caused by him and the rest, who put so great a company of men upon them, as the former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must live almost a whose year before any could be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon the pointe they never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise) ; for all the company sent at any time was allways too short for those people that came with it.180.

Ther came allso by the same ship other leters, but of later date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of the adventurers, as foloweth.181.

Mr. Carver, since my last, to the end we might the more readily proceed to help the generall, at a meeting of some of the principall adventurers, a proposition was put forth, and alowed by all presente (save pickering), to adventure each man the third parte of what he formerly had done. And ther are some other that folow his example, and will ad venture no furder. In regard wherof the greater part of the adventurers being willing to uphold the bussines, finding it no reason that those that are willing should uphold the bussines of those that are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in the agreemente, (that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of the adventurers and planters, upon just occasion, to breake of thirr joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme the same on your parts. Which being done, we shall the more willingly goe forward for the upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to the artickls, and send it by the first under your hands and seals. So I end. 182.

Your loving freind

Jan: 17. 1621
Another leter was write from part of the company of the adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof Mr. Westons and Mr. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto them, seeing this unconstancie and shufling; it made them to thinke ther was some misterie in the matter. And therfore the Govr concealed these letters from the publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband and scater them (in regard of their straits) ; and if Mr. Weston and others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to the prejudice of them selves and the rest of the adventure[r]s, their freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sente over shuch a company in the former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of wose 7. men which this ship, which fished to the eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne ; and allso wanting vitals, (for they turned them off without any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their saltpan come, so as they could not performe any of those things which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if the plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both ship and fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte.183.

After this came another of his ships, and brought letters dated the 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth.184.

Mr. Bradford, these, etc. The Fortune is arived, of whose good newss touching your estate and proceedings, I am very glad to hear. And how soever he was robed on the way by the Frenchmen,yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the conceite of so great a returne doth much animate the adventurers, so that I hope some matter of importante will be done by them, etc. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure and debts unto them, so as I am quitof you, and you of me, for that matter, etc. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. I perceive and know as well as another, the dispositions of your adventurers, whom the hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear that hope will not draw them much furder. Besids, most of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune, and some of the most religious (as Mr. Greene by name) a excepts against them. So that my advise is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law and consciente, for the most parte of the adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And the means you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by the trade of this spring, may, with the help of some freinds hear, bear the charge of transporting thoseoof Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question hut by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to your discretion.185.

I desired diverce of the adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene, and others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send liem by these ships; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one pf them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, and sow it betweene the soles for fear of intercepting. l, taking the leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found this treacherous letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Wich leter had it come to you` hands without answer, might have caused the hurt, if not the ruine, of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in distruste as enimise, cte., it might have been an occasion to have set us togeather by the eares, to the distruction of us all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, and heady against you, etc. I mente to have setled the peorie I before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and defence, as help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous and suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, and given order to my brother and those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, etc. 186.

Your loving freind,

Aprill 10. 1621.
Some part o f Mr Pickerings letter before mentioned
To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc.
My dear love remembred unto you all, etc. The company hath bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged a man that thought him selfe aboye the general), and not expresing so much the fear of God as was meete in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed in a matter of so great importante. I am sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to the wise.188.

Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of him selfe, etc. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as principal) in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, and violente, and set against you ther, and the company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which tend to your and our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pretending he comes for and from the adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes into his ships, as if they came from the company, and possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or things you have discovered, to the end that they may supres and deprive you, etc.189.

The Lord, who is the watchman of Israll and slepeth not, preserve you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advancemente of the glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well. 190.

Your loving freinds,

I pray conceale both the writing and deliverie of this leter, but make the best use of it. We hope to seto forth a ship our selves with in this month191.

The heads of his answer
Mr. Bradford, this is the leter that I wrote unto you of, which to answer in every perticuler is needles and tedious. My owne consciente and all our people can and I thinke will testifie, that my end in sending the ship Sparrow was your good, etc. Now I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these men termo them; yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaime them from that profanenes that Inay scandalise the vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, etc. I am so farr from sending rudo fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violente of what is yours, as I have charged the m` of the ship Sparrow, not only to leave w-ith you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,etc. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effecte the other desired.192.

Now if you be of the mind that these men are, deale plainly with us, and ove will seeke our residente els-wher. If ,you are as freindly as ove have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of freinds, and w e will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodgmg, but what ove will, in one kind or other, pay you for, etc. I shall leave in the countrie a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners and fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, and trad with the savages, and the old plantation. It may be ove shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you the next spring; and so I comend you to the protection of God, who ever keep you.193.

Your loving freind,

Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in the dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared and ready to glean up what the cuntrie might have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh censures and susspitions intimated in the former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing them in the ballance of love and reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly and loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with unmeete provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. For after the receit of the former leters, the Govr received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was the difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as the leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to the Govr. It was as followeth.194.

Beloved Sr:
I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many thanks for your love. By Gods providente ove got well home the 17. of Feb. Being robbed by the Frenchmen by the way, and carried by them into Franco, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all that ove had that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, ove escaped with our lives and ship. I see not that it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In the mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a litle. Mr. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some discontents that arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, and hath sould all his adventurs, and hath now sent 3. smale chips for his perticuler plantation. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, “.Nlr. Revnolds goeth mi and he with the rest purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not.195.

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, exeepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If they offetr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give the worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawne, etc. lt is like he will plant to the southward of the Cape, for William Trevore I hath lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, and the Narigansets. I fear these peo pie will hardiv deale so well with the savages as they should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in Franco. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will cometo you as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to the best, wherfore I pray You be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goa thorow these dificulties cherfully and with courage in that place wherin God hath sett you, untill the day of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. 196.


On the other sid of the leave, in the same leter, came these few linos from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place.197.

Worthy Sr:
I desire you to talle into consideration that which is writen on the other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more infeebled. And for the leters of association, by the next ship we send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in the mean time whom you admite I will approve. But as for YIr. Weston’s company, I thinke them so base in condition (for the most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lins, and so rest198.

Your loving freind,

All these things they pondred and well considerad, yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, and done for them, and to some, more espetially; and partly in compassion to the people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by the ship to be presently put a shore, (for sha was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted and knew not what to doe. So as they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), and gave housing for them selves and their goods; and many being sicke, they had the best means the place could aford them. They stayed hear the most parte of the sommer till the ship came back againe from Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they removed into the Dlassachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if Dsr. Weston came not the sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of them.199.

Amids these streigths, and the desertion of those from whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat, which came from the eastward brought them a letter from astranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.200.

To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, etc.
Freinds, cuntrimen, and neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all health and hapines in the Lord. I make bould with these few unes totrouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no les. Bad news doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with many good freinds in the south-collonie of Virginia, have re. ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make good our loases. Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that the old rule which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufA±cente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those that willingly would serve the Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in the world to come. And so I rest, 201.


By this boat the Govr returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to procure what provissions he could of the ships, who was kindly received by the foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what he could, but writ to others to doe the like. By which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which the plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by the food brought, and secondly, they knew the way to those parta for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, and this small boat brought, being devided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person; and the Govr caused it to be dayly give~ them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up and then istarved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie shift till come was ripe. 202.

This sommer they builte a fort with good timber, both strong and comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe and batelments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but the deanger of the time required it, and both the continuall rumors of the fears from the Indeans hear, espetially the Narigansets, and also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch the same. 203.

Now the wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted with the manner of Indean torne, (and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night and day, before it became scarce eatable, and much more after ward. And though -many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of torne, yet hunger made others (whom consciente did not restraine) to venture. So as it well appeared that famine must still insue the next year aliso, if not some way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not trust. Markets there was pone to goe too, but only the Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providente of God; a ship comes into the harbor, ove Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set out by some marchanta to discovere all the harbors betweene this and Virginia, and the shouds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along the coast wher they could. This ship had atore of English-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of the occasion, and faine to buy at any yate; they were faine to give after the rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3s. per li., which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver and other things, and intended to buy what come they could. 204.

But I will hear take liberty to make a little digression. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory;l he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going honre passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to the Govr in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines.205.

To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon the 5. books of Moyses. Both his and Mr. Robinsons doe highly comend the authors, as being most conversante in the scripturs of all others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. God have you all in his keeping.206.

Your unfained and firme freind,

Aug. 28. 1622.
These things I hear inserte for honour sake of the authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this pooreplantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne.207.

Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now seated at the Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading comodities and intended to trade for corve, they write to the Govr and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in the servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston or their supply, should come. The Govr condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute the Cap to the southward with the ship, wher some store of come rnight be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid and interpreter, about the letter end Pf September; but the winds put them in againe, and putting out the 2. time, he fell sick af a feavor, so the Govr wente him selfe. But they could not get aboute the should of Cap-Cod, for flats and breakers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor the id durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got wth [what] they could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at the nose (which the Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few days dyed ther; desiring the Govr to pray for him, that he might goe to the Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. They got in t is vioage, in ove place and other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads~f come and beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for the set but a litle till they got English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward the Govr toA³ke a few men and wente to the inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch it honre at the spring, which did help them something. 208.

After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Weston’s men in the bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter shewing the great wants they were falen into; and he would have borrowed a Il$ of come of the Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by forte to succore his men till he came from the eastward, whither he was going. The Govr and rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged the Indeans by stealing their coree, etc. as they were much incensed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they vente and tould the Indeans that their Govr was purposed to come and take their coree by force. The which with other things made them enter into a conspiracie against the English, of which more in the nexte. Hear with I end this year.209.

Anno Dom: 1623.
IT may be thought strang that these people. should fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left competently provided when the ship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids much they gott of the Indans wher they lived, by one means and other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte away among the Indeans (for he that was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And after they begane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed coverings; others (so base were they) became servants to the Indeans, and would cutt them woode and fetch them water, for a cap full of coree; others fell to plaine stealing, both night and day, from the Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In the end, they carne to that misery, that some starved and dyed with could and hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in the mudd, and was found dead in the place. At last most of them left their dwellings and scatered up and downe in the woods, and by the water sids, wher they could find ground nuts and clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By which their cariages they became contemned and scomed of the Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground nuts or shell-fish, when it vas ready the Indeans would come and eate it up; and when night carne, wheras some of them bad a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let the other lye all nighte in the could; so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in the end they were faine to hange one of their mee, whom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give the Indeans contente.210.

Whilst things vente in this maner with them, the Govr and people hear had notice that Massasoyte ther freind was sick and near unto death. They sent to vissete hin, and withall sente hin such confortable things as gave hin great contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which occasion he discovers the conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved to cutt of Mr. Westons people, for the continuall injuries they did them, and would now take opportunitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had conspired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they therfore thought to doe the like by them, and had solisited hin to joyne with them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by taking of some of the cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he asured them of the truth hereof.211.

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious delibration, and found upon examenation other evidence to Oye light hear unto, to longe hear to relate. In the mean time, carne one of them from the Massachuets, with a small pack at his back; and though he knew not a foote of the way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for hin, for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear how all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt in the head shortly. This made them make the more hast, and dispatched a boate away with Capten Standish and some men, who found them in a miserable condition, out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of some few of the cheefe conspirators, and, according to his order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; and they should fare no worse then them selves, till Mr. Weston or some supplie carne to them. Or, if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They thanked him and the rest. But most of them desired he would help them with some torne, and they would goe with their smale ship to the eastward, wher hapily they might here of Mr. Weston, or, some supply from him, seing the time of the year was for fishing ships to be in the land. If not, they would worke among the fishermen for their liveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard nothing from Mr. Weston in time. So they shipped what. they had of any worth, and he got them all the torne he could (scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, under saile at sea, and so carne home, not takeing the worth of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but touched these things breefly, because they have allready been published in printe more at large.212.

This was the end of these that some time bosted of ther strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would doe and bring to pass, in comparison of the people hear, who had many women and children and weak ons amongst them; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, that they would take an other course, and not to fall into shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power; God can make the weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed least he fall.213.

Shortly after, Mr. Weston carne over with some of the fishermen, under another name, and the disguise of a blackesmith, were [where] he heard of the ruine and disolution of lis colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2. carne to see how things were. But by the way, for wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his.shalop in the botome of the bay between Meremek river and Pascataquack,and hardly escaped with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of the Indeans, who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, and striped him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascataquack, and borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to come to Plimoth. A strang alteration ther was in him to such as had seen and known him in his former florishing condition; so uncertaine are the mutable things of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon them, though they dayly see the vanity therof. 214.

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things boyling in his mind, but bit in as was discernd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of a ship and good supply to come to him, and then they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They gave litle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they knew not when they should have any supply; also how the case stood betweene them and their adventurers, he well knew; they had not much bever, and if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among the people, seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which they so much wanted, and cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly for the former reasons. So they let him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170li. odd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all the world faild him, and with this means he went againe to the ships, and stayed his small ship and some of his men, and bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was the only foundation of his after course. But he requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst he yet had the beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all togeather by the ears, because they had done more then they could answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe what he could. But his malice could not prevaile.215.

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much torne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, after much debate of things, the Govr (with the advise of the cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set corve every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things to goe on in the generall way as before. And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their number for that end, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys and youth under some familie. This had very good success; for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more torne was planted then other waise would have bene by any means the Govr or any other could use, and saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The women now wente willingly into the feild, and tooke their litle-ons with them to set torne, which before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.216.

The experience that was had in this commone course and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos and other.ancients, applauded by some of aater times; -that the taking away of propertie, and bringing in communitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and $orishing; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much imployment that would have been to their benefite and comforte. For the yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour and servise did repine that they should spend their time and streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails and cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter the other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, etc., with the meaner and yonger sorte, thought it some indignite and disrespect unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, etc., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon the poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves in the like condition, and ove as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much diminish and take of the mutuall respects that should be preserved amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men of another condition. Let pone objecte this is mens corruption, and nothing to the course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them.217.

But to returne. After this course setled, and by thattheir torne was planted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to rest on Gods providente; at mght not many times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing the next day. And so, as ove well observed, had peed to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in the world. Yet they bore these wants with great patience and allacritie of spirite, and that for so long a time as for the most parte of 2. years; which makes me remember what Peter Martire writs (in magnifying the Spaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208. They (saith he) led a miserable life for 5. days togeather, with the parched graine of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then eoneluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have endured. But alass! these, when they hall maize (that is, Indean torne) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, and neither had bread nor any kind of torne. Indeed, in an other place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremities they [the] Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great wants preserved both their lives and healthes; let his name have the praise. Yet let me hear make use of his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this people: That with their miseries they opened a way to these new-lands; and a f ter these stormes, with what ease other men come to inhabite in them, in respecte o f the calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe to a brille feaste wher all things are provided for them.218.

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass and such like fish, by course, every company knowing their turne. No sooner was the boate discharged of what she brought, but the next company tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew there was nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente to the rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out of the sands. And this was their living in the sommer time, till God sente them beter; and in winter they were helped with ground-nuts and foule. Also in the sommer they gott now and then a dear; for one or 2. of the fitest was apoynted to range the woods for that end, and what was gott that way was devided amongst them.219.

At length they received some leters from the adventurers, too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard of their furder crosses and frustrations; begining in this maner.220.

Loving freinds, as your sorrows and aflIictions have bin great, so our croses and interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been small. For after we had with much trouble and charge sente the Parragon away to sea, and thought all the paine past, within 14. days after she carne againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into the docke, and an 1001i. bestowed upon her. All the passengers Iying upon our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was oceasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all hhalll be well and worke for the best and your benefite, if yet with patience you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these things were doing, Mr. Westons ship carne and brought diverce leters from you, etc. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports that diverce have brought home from you, etc.221.

These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622. 222.

So farr of this leter.223.

This ship was brought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, and the goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus seated, and by the success God gave them hall obtained the favour of the Counsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for al,, other patent of much larger extente (in their names), which was easily obtained.But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which follows. But the Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first returne, and the charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, and sets out the 2. time. But what the event was will appear from another leter from one of the cheefe of the company, dated the 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to the Govr hear, as followeth.224.

Loving freind,
when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I litle thought to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had brought some good tidings. from you. But it pleased God, he brought us the wofull tidings of his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin the goodnes and mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, etc., and the companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, etc. 225.

Now with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to assigne over the grand patente to the companie, which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke that the hand of God was justly against him, both the first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for the company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd and disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and the high-rate he set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute the passengers, 640li., etc. 226.

We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled the Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to being 60. passengers and 60. tune of goods, etc.227.

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623228.

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing and proceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in theirs then my owne words. And yet though ther was never got otherrecompence thenthe resignationof this patente, and the shares he had in adventure, for all the former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of the cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to the Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will leave him to the Lord.229.

This ship suffered the greatest extreemitie- at sea at her 2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been informed by Mr. William Peirce who was then mr of her, and many others that were passengers in her. It was aboute the midle of Feb: The storme was for the most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days and nights togeather in most violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, the storme beat of their round house and all their uper words; 3. men had worke enough at the helme, and he’ that cundthe ship before the sea, was faine to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so overrake them, as many times those upon the decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in the sea as they all thought she would never rise againe. But yet the Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to the wonder of all men that saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured.230.

About the aater end of June carne in a ship, with Captaine Francis West,z who had a commission to be admirall of NewEngland, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as carne to fish and trade without a licence from the Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found the fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to the Parlemente,procured an order that fishing should be free. He tould the Govr they spooke with a ship at sea, and were abord her, that was coming for this plantation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The mr of this ship had some 2. hh of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, held them at 911. sterling a hoggshead, and under 811. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But they tould him they had lived so long without, and would doe still, rather then give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to Virginia.231.

[I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines and industrie, and the great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, and take away the same, and to threaten further and more sore famine unto them, by a great drought which continued from the 3. weeke in May, till about the midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for the most parte), insomuch as the come begane to wither away, though it was set with fishe, the moysture wherof helped it much. Yet at length it begane to languish sore, and some of the drier grounds were partched like withered hay, part wherof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a solemne day of humilliation, to seek the Lord by humble and fervente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to give them a gracious and speedy answer, both to thier owne and the Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all the morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear weather and very hotte, and not a cloud or any signe of raine I to be seen, yet toward evening it begane to overcast, and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, as gave them cause of rejoyceing, and blesing God. It came, without either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in that abundance, as that the earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith. Which did so apparently revive and quicken the decayed come and other fruits, as was wonderfull to see, and made the Indeans astonished to behold; and afterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfull and liberall harvest, to their no small comforte and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time conveniente) they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being overslipt in its place, I thought meet here to inserte the same.] 232.

About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, wherof Mr. William Peirce was Mr, and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in the pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. tune, which the company had builte to stay in the cuntrie.2 They brought about 60. persons for the generall, some of them being very usefulpersons, and became good members to the body, and some were the wives and children of shuch as were hear all ready. And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe the next year. Also, besids these ther came a company, that did not belong to the generall body, but came one [on] their perticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to the generall Goverment; which caused some diferance and disturbance amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness233.

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your health, and wellfare, being right sorie that no supplie hath been made to you all this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall leters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we should and would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but monys come creep. ing in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, etc. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often shuch as are none of the fitest, I pray you write ernestly to the Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company hear to see that honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, etc. We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, calve without my consente; but the importunitie of their freinds got promise of our Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men enero, etc.234.

Your assured freind,

R. C.
The following was from the genrall.235.

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty affection; being yet in hope that the same God which hath hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that you have not been sent unto all this time, etc. We have in this ship sent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, with their children, etc. We would not have you discontente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, himon whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him. But as the intente was at first, so the evente at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expectations to the full. Ther are alos come unto you, some honest meset to plant upon their particulers besids you. A thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be a strength ening to the place, and good neighbours unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we have likwise signified them hear. First, the trade for skins to be retained for the generall till the devidente; 2ly. that their setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for the lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy and easie assembling togeather.236.

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, etc. Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet it is that we could, etc.237.

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and fertill grounds then that wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence that place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. If your place be not the best, it is better, you shall be the less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly minded, will not setle too near your border.If the land afford you bread, and the sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, take the worst to your selves, with contend [content], and leave the best to your neighbours, with cherfullnes.238.

Let it not be greeveous unto you that you have been instruments to breake the ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the honour shall be yours to the worlds end, etc.239.

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards you all, as are the harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe and ever shall, that the same God which hath so marvelously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all and send us joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish and perfecte this worke as much glorie may come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever and ever. 240.

leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.241.

These passengers, when they saw their low and poore condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what they saw now in others; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, and some litle beter then halfe naked; though some that were well stord before, were well enough in this regard. But for food they were all alile, save some that had got a few pease of the ship that was last hear. The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And the long continuance of this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated the freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and strength in a good measure; and showed them by experience the truth of that word, Deut. S. 3. That man liveth not by bread only, but by every word that proeeedeth out of the mouth o f the Lord doth a man live. 242.

When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sones, Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as milke, butter and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of the sea for the most parte, so wonderfull is his providence over his in all ages; for his mercie endureth for ever.243.

On the other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to the newcommers, whose provissions which they brought with them they feared would fall short before the year wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to the Govr and besought him that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of the victails now come, but watee till harvest for their owne, and let the new-commers injoye what they had brought; they would have none of it, excepte they could purchase any of it of them by bargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good contente; for the new-commers were as much afraid that the hungrie planters would have eat up the provissions brought, and they should have fallen into the like condition.244.

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by the help of many hands. Also they sente in her all the beaver and other furrs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and procure such things as were thought needfull for their presente condition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of the harts of many, for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particuler planting was well scene, for all had, one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute, and some of the abler sorte and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day.245.

Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and such pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied; as if they would be great men and rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved castls in the aire. These were the conditions agreed on betweene the colony and them.246.

First, that the Govr, in the name and with the con sente of the company, doth in all love and frendship receive and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente places for habitations within the towne. And promiseth to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them to desire, or us to performe. 247.

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws and orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for the publiek good.248.

3. That they be freed and exempte from the generall imployments of the said company, (which their presente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte commune defence, and such other imployments as tend to the perpetuall good of the collony.249.

4ly. Towards the maintenance of Gov’, and publiek officers of the said collony, every male above the age of 16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or the worth of it, into the commune store.250.

5ly. That (according to the agreemente the marchants made with them before they came) they are to be wholy debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and such like commodities, till the time of the comunallitie be ended.251.

About the midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges ‘ in the Bay of the Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and families, intending ther to begine a plantation; and pitched upon the place Mr. Weston’s people had forsaken. He had a commission from the Counsell of NewEngland, to be generall Gover of the cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell and assistance, Captaine Francis West, the aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire,’ and the Govr of Plimoth for the time beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their commission) full power to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverte other instructions. Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer the Govr hear to take a coppy.252.

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could visite him he went to the eastward with the ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear 14. days. In the mean time came in Mr. Weston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. Captaine Gorges tooke hold of the opportunitie, and acquainted the Govr hear, that one occasion of his going to the eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston, and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his assistants, with the Govr of this place; and charged him, first, with the ille carriage of his men at the Massachusets; by which means the peace of the cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby much prejudised. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left them sufficently provided, and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any errour committed he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was passed by. A 2d. was, for an abuse done to his father, Sr. Ferdenando Gorges, and to the State. The thing was this; he used him and others of the Counsell of NewEngland, to procure him a licence for the transporting of many peetes of great ordnance for New-England, pretending great fortification hear in the countrie, and I know not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his private profite; for which (he said) the State was much offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew himself. But after many passages, by the mediation of the Govr and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended the abuse of his father deeply); which, when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such provocking and cutting speches, as made him rise up in great indignation and distemper, and vowed that he would either curb him, or send him home for England. At which Mr. Weston was something danted, and came privatly to the Govr hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, that after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly and rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe and them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd the Govr to entreat for him, and pacific him if he could. The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, and the Govr was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to make further answer, when either he or the lords should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a freindly parting on all hands. 253.

But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to the Gor and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after the Govr tooke his leave and went to the Massachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver; and with her returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of the cuntrie; others by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt the houses they lived in, and all their provisions so as they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned by some of the sea-men that were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could weather, which broke out of the chimney into the thatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed all the goods and provissions in them. The house in which it begane was right against their store-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their commone store and all their provissions; the which if it had been lost, the plantation had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by the great dilligence of the people, and care of the Govr and some aboute him. Some would have had the goods throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have been stolne by the rude company that belonged to these 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths and other means kept of the fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them out with all speed. For they suspected some malicious dealing, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, that when the tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds that were near them.254.

And shortly after, when the vemencie of the fire was over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joynd to the end of the store-house, which was wasted up with bowes, in the withered leaves wherof the fire was kindled, which some, running to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe lying under the wale on the inside, which could not possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in the judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever was intended.255.

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, the generall Govr, was come home to the Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest Mr. Weston and his ship, and sends a mr to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Govr and others hear were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at the warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to disswade him from this course, skewing him that he would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things stood with him); for he had a great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and was in a manner out of victails (and now winter) ; all which would light upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In the mean time Mr. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather glad of the occasion, and so stirred not. But the Govr would not be perswaded, but sent a very formall warrente under his hand and seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to the state; he also write that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him goe so; besids other things that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inventorie was taken of what was in the ship, ther was not vitailes found for above 14. days, at a fare allowance, and not much else of any great worth, and the men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in the mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the expence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they came to agreement, (after they had bene to the eastward,) and the Govr restord him his vessell againe, and made him satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or consumed. So Mr. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, and so for present I shall leave him.256.

The Govr and some that depended upon him returned for England, haveing scarcly saluted the cuntrie in his Govermente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his quallitie and condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The Govr brought over a minister with him, one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after the Govr returned, tooke shipping from hence.He had I know not what power and authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and sundrie instructions for that end; but he never skewed it, or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away. This was in effect the end of a 2. plantation in that place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie others.257.

It rests now that I speake a word aboute the pinnass spoken of before, which was sent by the adventurers to be imployed in the cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out, and I fear the adventurers did over pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a suffciente maister, yet she was rudly manned,and all her men were upon shars, and none was to have any wages but the mr. 2ly, wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette with ill counselfrom Mr. Weston and his crue, with others of the same stampe, neither mr nor Govr could scarce rule them, for they exclaimed that they were abused and deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of wary, and take I know not whom, French and Spaniards, etc. They would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey no command of the maisters; so it was apprehended they would either rune away with the vessell, or get away with the ships, and leave her; so as Mr. Peirce and others of their freinds perswaded the Govr to chafing their condition, and give them wages; which was accordingly done. And she was sente about the Cape to the Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but the Dutch used to furnish them with cloath and better commodities, they haveing only a few beads and knives, which were not ther much esteemed. Allso, in her returne home, at the very entrance into ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was forced to cut her Maine mast by the bord, to save herselfe from driving on the flats that lye without, i caled Browns Ilands,the force of the wind being so great as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but her mast and takling being gone, they held her till the wind shifted.258.

Anno Dom: 1624.
THE time of new election of ther officers for this year being come, and the number of their people increased, and their troubls and occasions therwith, the Govr desired them to chainge the persons, as well as renew the election;and also to adde more Assistans to the Govr for help and counsel’, and the better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it; and that this was the endof Annuall Elections. The issue was, that as before ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the Govr a duble voyce; and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath continued to this day.259.

They having with some truble and charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove,and was there well harbored in a place whey ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose such a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak over such places in the harbor as was never scene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after They having with some truble and charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove,and was there well harbored in a place whey ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose such a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak over such places in the harbor as was never scene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, whey she lay sunke. The mr, was drowned, the rest of the men, all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till afterward.260.

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, begane privatlyto nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that was among the adventurers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend, by their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of the company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler allso; and made great offers, so they might be freed from the generall. The Govr consulting with the ablest of the generall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect with the former before related. Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to remaine till the generall partnership was ended. And also that they should pay into the store, the on halfe of all such goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some such like things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that undertooke this course when it came too; and they were as cone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, and Mr. Weston togeather, that ther would never come more supply to the generall body; but the perticulers had such freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not what.261.

Shortly after, Mr. Winslow came over, and brought a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers and a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind in the land, with some cloathing and other necessaries, as will further appear; but withal) the reporte of a strong faction amongst the adventure[r]s against them, and espetially against the coming of the rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and how, by their strong and long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne too late for the fishing season, but the best men were taken up of the fishermen in the west countrie, and he was foret to take such a Mr. and company for that imployment as he could procure upon the present. Some letters from them shall beter declare these things, being as followeth.262.

Most worthy and loving freinds, your kind and loving leters I have received, and render you many thanks, etc. It hath plased God to stirre up the harts of our adventure[r]s to raise a new stock for the seting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men and necessaries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great difficulty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their owne private ends, and the thwarting and opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments,of Gods glory elswher, then at the generall good and furtherance of this noble and laudable action. Yet againe we have many other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, One seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecontented persons, and turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines; and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of the honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make manifest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continual) disturbers of our frendly meetings and love. On Thurs-day the 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls betweene you and us; wher they would rejette that, which we in our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell their adventurs; and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adventurers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on the 12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con. But at night when we mete to read the general] letter, we had the loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I knewand our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50li. So I sent for a potle of wine, (I would you coulddoe the like,) which we dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne the harts of men when it pleaseth him, etc. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in the Lord, hoping ever to rest,263.

Yours to my power,

Jan: 25. 1623.
Another leter.
Beloved Sr., etc. We have now sent you, we hope, men and means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let the ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to BilbowYou must send some discreete man for fattore, whom, once more, you must also authorise to confirme the conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants and such as you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull and industrious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende the misterie of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, though none of the most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing him into office use your owne liberty and discretion; he knows he is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome and universalitie may make him forget him selfe. Mr. Winslow and my selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of children.264.

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, etc.I am sory ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters hither.Some say you are starved in body and soule; others, that you eate piggs and doggs, that dye alone; others, that the things hear spoaken of, the goodnes of the cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, or a fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when the whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to the passionate humors of some discontented men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some that would goe, and have not better composed their affections; mean space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them. 265.

I am sorie we have not sent you morel and other things, but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile the ship, provide salte and other fishing implements, etc. as we could not provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger, etc. I hope the returne of this ship and the James,will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection.266.

Your assured freind,

R. C.
Jan: 24. 1623
With the former lettter write by Mr. Sherley, there were sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. “These are the cheefe objections which they that are now returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie.” These objections were made by some of those that came overon their perticulerand were returned home, as is before mentioned, and were of the same suite with those that this other letter mentions.267.

I shall here set them downe, with the answer then made unto them, and sent over at the returne of this ship; which did so confound the objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, and some others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne and other mens judgments.268.

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we came.269.

2. ob: Neglette of familie duties, one the Lords day. Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves and others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the more if they had in love tould the offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given better example.270.

3. ob : Wante of both the sacrements271.

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise.272.

4. ob : Children not catechised nor taught to read.273.

Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they can; indeede, we have no commone schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine.274.

5. ob : Many of the perticuler members of the plantation will not work for the generall.275.

Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it not willingly, and other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode and something besids. But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them the best we cane, or else to quitte the plantation of them.276.

6. ob : The water is not wholsome.277.

Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as the good beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith.278.

7. ob : The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse.279.

Ans : It is hear (as in all places) some better and some worse; and if they well consider their words, in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their feelds and meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know the contrary.280.

8. ob : The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.281.

Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to be taken. Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they might as well say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering.282.

9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other.283.

Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then we should not have been trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so are the rest like to doe, if they be taken.284.

10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them.285.

11. ob : The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay,and are likely to overthrow the trade.286.

Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather commend them, then condemne them for it.287.

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes. Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begine newplantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that the more the land is tild, and the woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarse any at all.288.

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from Mr. Robinson their pastor; the one to the Govr, the other to Mr. Brewster their Elder, which will give much light to the former things, and express the tender love and care of a true pastor over them.289.

His leter to the Govr.
My loving and much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and the good of many; that his blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours answerable to the valuation which they ther have, and set upon the same. Of your love too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love and care to and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of coming unto you be small, and weaker then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as I desire you may doe these, etc.290.

Concerning the killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh l how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed any; besids, wher blond is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish Christians?Besids, you, being no magistrats over them, were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to inflitte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks onor tow principals should have been full enough, according to that approved rule, The punishmente to a few, and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you seriouly to consider of the dispossition of your Captaine,whom I love, and am perswaded the Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie course. But now if this be meerly from an humane spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting that tendernes of the life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of rufling course intheworld. I doubt not buy you will take in good part these things which I write, and as ther is cause make use of them. It were to us more comfortable and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in presence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor any great mind of us, for the most parte. They deney it to be any part of the covenants betwixte us, that they should transporte us, neither doe I looke for any f urther help from them, till means come from you. We hear are strangers in effecte to the whole course, and so both we and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessaries, etc. My wife, with me, resalute you and yours. Unto him who is the same to his in all places, and nere to them which are farr from one an other, I comend you and all with you, resting, 291.

Yours truly loving Leyden, Des: 19. 1623.


His to Mr. Brewster.
Loving and dear freind and brother: That which I most desired of God in regard of you, namly, the continuance of your life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state of body will have some reparing by the coming of her daughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you; which maks us with more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring of our desired transportation; which I call desired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all must depend upon returns from you, in which are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence be concluded. Besids, howsoever for the presente the adventurers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an invincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others without doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, we must dispose the adventurers into 3. parts; and of them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any others. Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, and loveingly also towards us; yet such as have others (namly the forward preachers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any differance, they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanckthese men have over the professors, you know. And I perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye that way them selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther market will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but halfe the witte to their malice, they will stope my course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. A notable experimente of this, they gave in your messengers presence, constraining the company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to the help of any of us towards you. Now touching the question propounded by you, I judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 7. 8. and 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach and exhorte and labore in the word and doctrine, to which the sacrements are annexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawfull. Whether any larned man will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must Consilium eapere in arena.Be you most hartily saluted, and your wife with you, both from me and -nine. Your God and ours, and the God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and faithfull to the end. Amen. 292.

Your very loving brother, Leyden, Des: 20. 1623.


These things premised, I shall now prosecute the procedings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I Trust speak a word of their planting this year; they having found the benifite of their last years harvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of patience overcome hunger and famine. Which maks me remember a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patience in all wants. They begane now highly to prise come as more pretious then silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by the quarte, potle, and peck, etc.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better advantage, they made suite to the Govr to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which the more industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it the nexte, and often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more sleighted over, and to lese profite. Which being well considered, their request was granted. And to every person was given only one acrre of land, to them and theirs, as nere the towne as might be, and they had no more till the 7. years were expired. The reason was, thA¡t they might be kept close together both for more saftie and defence, and the better improvement of the generall imployments. Which condition of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinieof the Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How every man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3. It was thought a great reward, to receive at the hands of the people of Rome a pinte of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a Captaine that had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as much ground as they could till in one day. And he was not counted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land. As also how they did pound their corne in morters, as these people were forcte to doe many years before they could get a mille.293.

The ship which brought this supply,was speedily discharged, and with her Mr. and company sente to Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a patente, as before is shewed) on fishing, and because the season was so farr spente some of the planters were sent to help to build their stage,to their owne hinderante. But partly by the latenes of the year, and more espetialy by the basnes of the Mr., one Baker, they made a poore viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did nothing (in a maner) but drink, and gusle, and consume away the time and his victails; and most of his company followed his example; and though Mr. William Peirce was to over see the busines, and to be Mr. of the ship home, yet he could doe no good amongst them, so as the loss was great, and would have bene more to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in those times got some store of skins, which was some help unto them.294.

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and very industrious man, and followed his labour very dilligently, and made all that were imployed with him doe the like; he quickly builte them 2 very good and strong shalops (which after did them greate service), and a great and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, for he fell into a feaver in the hote season of the year, and though he had the best means the place could aforde, yet he dyed; of whom they had a very great loss, and were very sorie for his death. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch he tould the Govr that he had found a sufficente place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great profite; but he must have g. or ten men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that the ground was good, and other things answerable, and that he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would bring upon them a great charge by imploying him selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, to receive the salte and such other uses. But in the end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of the ground, in which he was deceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now though the Govr and some other foresaw that this would come to Title, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst them, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of complainte to the adventurers, as to be their falte that would not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence and large promises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had wound him selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any thing but boyle salt in pans, and yet would make them that were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their eys, till they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap-Anne, and the pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before sommer was out, he burnte the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that chargable bussines.295.

The 3d. eminente person (which the letters before mention) was the minister which they sent over, by name Mr. John Lyford, of whom and whose doing I must be more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence and humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their hands if they would have suffered him;’ yea, he wept and shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring the things they had done in their wants, etc. as if he had been made all of love, and the humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judg by his after cariags) he was but like him mentioned in Psa : 10. 10. That croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,z who, when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette them that were coming to offer incence in the house of the Lord; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to slay them. They gave him the best entertainment they could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of the store then any other had, and as the Govr had used in all waightie affairs to. consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with them in their waightiest bussineses. After some short time. he desired to joyne himselfe a member to the church hear, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with many corruptions, which had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this opportunitie of freedom and libertie to injoye the ordinances of God in puritie among his people, with many more such like expressions. I must hear speake a word also of Mr. John Oldom, who was a copartner with him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler in the former faction among the perticulers, and an intelligenter to those in England. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply that came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of the cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word and deed, and writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired, former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as the other, without any distrust at all. 296.

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and smothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoyce; but this lasted not long, for both Oldom and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great malignancie, drawing as many into faction as they could; were they never so vile or profane, they did nourish and back them in all their doings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against the church hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves and others with what they should bring to pass in England by the faction of their freinds their, which brought others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they could not cartso closly but much of both their doings and sayings were discovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things.297.

At lenght when the ship was ready to goe, it was observea Liford was long in writing, and sente many letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand sufficiently. The Govr and some other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords and Oldums letters. Mr. William Peirce being mr of the ship, (and knew well their evill dealing both in England and here,) afforded him all the assistance he could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and full of slanders, and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruine and utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of the most materiall they sent true copyes of them, and kept the originalls, least he should deney them, and that they might produce his owne hand against him. Amongst his letters they found the coppyes of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opposite of theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster here, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in Holand, at his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed in the great cabin, (whilst Mr. Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of the ship,) this slye marchante taks and opens them, taks these coppys, and seals them up againe ; and not only sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adversarie, but adds thertoo in the margente many scurrilous and flouting anotations. This ship went out towards evning, and in the night the Govr returned. They were somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone currente, and that the Govr went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the Govr and rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, that they might the better- discover their intents and see who were their adherents. And the rather because amongst the rest they found a letter of one of their confederats, in which was writen that Mr. Oldame and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacrements, etc.298.

For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe in the mischeefe as the other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they begane to pick quarells at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according to order) refused to come, fell out with the Capten, caled him raskell, and beggerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he offered him no wrong, nor-gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes required him to doe his duty. The Govr, hearing the tumulte, sent to quiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man, and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other such foule language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him seife, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his behaviour for further censure.299.

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, that Lyford with his complicies,l without ever speaking one word either to the Govr, Church, or Elder, withdrewe them selves and set up a publick meeting aparte, on the Lord’s day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long here to relate, begining now publikly to acte what privatly they had been long plotting.300.

It was now thought high time (to prevent further mischeefe) to calle them to accounte; so the Govr called a courte and summoned the whol company to appeare. And then charged Lyford and 0ldom with such things as they were guilty of. But they were stifle, and stood resolutly upon the deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first alledged what was write to them out of England, compared with their doings and practises hear; that it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill and church state, which was most injurious; for both they and all the world knew they came hither to injoye the libertie of their conscience and the free use of Gods ordinances; and for that end had ventured their lives and passed throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds had borne the charg of these begin. ings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great family was maintained on the same, and also was joyned to the church, and a member of them; and for him to plote against them and seek their ruine, was most unjust and perfidious. And for Oldam or any other that came over at their owne charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to seeke shelter and protection under their wings, not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to the fable,) like the Hedghogg whom the conny in a stormy day in pittie received into her borrow, would not be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow; so these men with the like injustice indevored to doe the same to thos that entertained them.301.

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in England, or knew of their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were prodused and some of them read, at which he was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously, because they had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up and caled upon the people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts? now skew your courage, you have oft complained to me so and so; now is the time, if you will doe any thing, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking that every one (knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the injustice of the thing. Then the Govr turned his speech to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, and would not say a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then the Govr skewed the people he did it as a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent the mischeefe and ruine that this conspiracie and plots of theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds that trusted him, and stole their letters and opened them, and sent coppies of them, with disgracefull annotations, to his freinds in England. And then the Govr produced them and his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and caused them to be read before all the people; at which all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say.302.

It would be too long and tedious here to inserte his letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of the cheefe things collected out of them, with the answers to them as they were then given; and but a few of those many, only for instance, by which the rest may be judged of. 303.

1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear but them selves. 2ly. Neither are any willing so to doe h if they had company to live elswher. 304.

Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both the parts of it; for they were willing and desirous that any honest men may live with them, that will cary them selves peacably, and seek the commone good, or at least doe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not live els wher so long as they may live with them. 305.

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of the seperation, they will quickly distast them, etc.306.

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst them.307.

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins raised from 2. Sam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons; 2ly, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner.308.

A. Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or colour of the same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and beleeved these things long before they knew Mr. Liford.309.

4. That they utterly sought the ruine of the perticulers; as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of the generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing one commoditie for another.310.

Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, and allso both lend and give to them when they wanted; and this the perticuler persons them selves could not deney, but freely confest in open court. But the ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in counsell with them. When one was called before them, and questioned for receiving powder and bisket from the gunner of the small ship, which was the company, and had it put in at his window in the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing and extenuating his falte, as long as he could, but upon this build:this mischeevous and most false slander: That because they,, would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine.311.

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that they turned men into their perticuler, and then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistance.312.

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they turned none into their perticuler; it was their owne importunitie and ernest desire that moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And they apealed to the persons them selves for the truth hereof. And they testified the same against him before all present, as allso that they had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage.313.

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a strang difference, that some have bene alowed 16li. of meale by the weeke, and others but 4li. And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths and bellies are very litle and slender over others.314.

Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom he write his leters in England, which knew not the reason of it; but to him and others hear, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the first commers had none at all, but lived on their come. Those which came in the Anne, the August before, and were to live 13. months of the provissions they brought, had as good alowance in meal and pease as it would extend too, the most part of the year; but a litle before harvest, when they had not only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but 4li. having their libertie to make their owne provisions. But some of these which came last, as the ship carpenter, and sawiers, the salte-men and others that were to follow constante imployments, and had not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing above their alowance; they had at first, 161i. alowed them, and afterwards as fish, and other food coned be gott, they had as balemente, to 14. and 12. yea some of them to 8. as the times and occasions did vary. And yet those which followed planting and their owne occasions, and had but 4li. of meall a week, lived better then the other, as was well knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford and his had allwais the highest alowance.315.

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of tools and vesseles; and this, when it came to be examened, all the instance he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peetes, and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in the feilds by some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. But these things and such like was write of by him, to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a minister would pass for currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther was not above 7. of the adventurers that souight the good of the collony. That Mr. Oldam and him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that the faction here might match the Jesuits for politie. With many the like greevious complaints and accusations. 316.

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds counseland directtion. And first, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must still be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least any of them should be taken in privatly somewher on the coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the Mr. of the ship (Mr. William Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead, for marchante,or els it would not be prevented.317.

2. Then he would have such a number provided as might oversway them hear. And that the perticulers should have voyces in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office. And that every perticuler should come over as an adventurer, if he be but a servante; some other venturing 10li., the bill may be taken out in the servants name, and then assigned to the party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn betweene them for the clearing of the matter; and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen this side the more.318.

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake of should come over hither as a generall, he was perswaded he would be chosen Capten; for this Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempte.319.

4. Then he shows that if by the forementioned means they cannot be strengthened to cary and overbear things, it will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves; and would have it artickled by them that they might make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then this.320.

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not over to bear them up here, then ther would be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these hear. Then he adds: Since I begane to write, ther are letters come from your company, wherin they would give sole authoritie in diverte things unto the Govr here; which, if it take place, then, Ve Nobis. But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. I suppose (saith he) Mr. Oldame will write to you further of these things. I pray you conceal’ me in the discovery of these things, etc.321.

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding with him. After the reading of his leters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to these things. But all the answer he made was, that Billington and some others had informed him of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a suA±iciente ground for him thus to accuse and traduse them by his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many bonds betweene them. And so they went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or any of his freinds and confederats, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or their evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And this was all the answer they could have, for none would take his parte in any thing; but Billington, and any whom he named, deneyed the things, and protested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to such and such things which they could not consente too, though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they delte with him aboute his dissembling with them aboute the church, and that he professed to concur with them in all things, and what a large confession he made at his admittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a new calling, etc. And yet now he contested against them, and drew a company aparte, and sequestred him selfe; and would goo minister the sacrements (by his Episcopal, caling) without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and burst out into tears, and “confest he feared he was a reprobate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not pardon them, he was unsavorie salte, etc. ; and that he had so wronged them as he could never make them amends, confessing all he had write against them was false and nought, both for matter and manner.” And all this he did with as much fullnes as words and tears could express.322.

After their triall and conviction, the court censured them to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though his wife and family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could make provission to remove them comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with some eye to his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure was farr less than he deserved.323.

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in the church, with tears more largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it from his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Acknowledging “That he had don very evill, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most of the people would take parte with him, he thought to cary all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God ,night justly lay innocente blood to his charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his eyes and ears against all the good; and if God should make him a vacabund in the earth, as was Caine, it was but just, for he had sined in envie and malice against his brethren as he did. And he confessed 3. things to be the ground and causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-glorie, and selfe love.” Amplifying these heads with many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of them.324.

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach amongst them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted men amongst them, were so taken with his signes of sorrow and repentance, as they professed they would fall upon their knees to have his censure released.325.

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, and may doe all others that shall come to hear the same, (for a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his former conffessions, convictions, and publiek acknowledgments, both in the face of the church and whole company, with so many tears and sadde censures of him selfe before God and men, he should goe againe to justifie what he had done.326.

For secretly he write a 2d. leter to the adventurers in England, in which he justified all his former writings, (save in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, because it is brefer then the former, I shall here inserte.327.

Worthy Srs:

Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that the truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded, nor in[j]urious dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I have adventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters which I wrote to private freinds, for the courses in coming hither and the like; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther unto in the beholding the indirecte courses held by others, both hear, and ther with you, for effecting their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to the glory of God and mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being intercepted by the Govr, I have for the same undergone the censure of banishmente. And had it not been for the respecte I have unto you, and some other matters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time by the pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide, unless I receive better incouragmente from you, then from the church (as they call them selves) here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I shall I hope cherfully bear the conditions of the place, though very mean; and they have channged my wages ten times allready. I suppose my letters, or at least the coppies of them, are come to your hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice of this, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be cast to darken the truth, and some ther are very audatious this way; besids many other matters which are farre out of order hear. My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of diverse poore souls here, the care of whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute of the means of salvation. For how so ever the church are provided for, to their contente, who are the smalest number in the collony, and doe so appropriate the ministrie to them selves, houlding this principle, that the Lord hath not appointed any ordinary ministrie for the conversion of those that are without, so that some of the poor souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they came, but such as may be performed by any of you, by their owne possition, what soever great pretences they make; but herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doe. But I exceede the bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within the time limited me. I rest, etc.,328.

Remaining yours ever, Dated Aug: 22. An: 1624.


They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter, but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this purpose: That if God in his providence had not brought these things to their hands (both the former and later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and calumniated, overthrowne, and undone; and never have knowne by whom, nor for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they would be pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accusations, and waigh them in the balance of justice and reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had write breefly to the heads of things before, and should be ready to give further answer as any occasion should require; craving leave to adde a word or tow to this last.329.

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was that he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, and might cause blushing and perpetuall silence; some great mater sure! But if it be looked into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all; and yet he licks of that too with this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by beholding the indirecte course here. But this point never troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both by him and his freinds, and put of with this,-that any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds to come over for their best advantage. All his sorrow and tears here was for the wrong and hurt he had done us, and not at all for this he pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so much as indiscretion.330.

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he may lay load of us here. And first complains that we have changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with him for any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, neither know of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more then this we know not. That he hath beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you please to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth otherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In the latter end therof he hath these words. I speak not this (saith he) out of any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very kind and loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne words under his owne hand. 2ly. It will appere by this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of the store for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede hath required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man wholy at his owne command to tend his private affairs. What cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he means in his speech we know not, except he aluds to that of Jaacob and Laban. If you have promised him more or other wise, you may doe it when you please.331.

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so appeare plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth astonish us and causeth us to tremble at the deceitfullnes and desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such publick confession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, before God, and men, with such sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie all againe. If things had bene done in a corner, it had been some thinge to deney them; but being done in the open view of the cuntrie and before all men, it is more then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, and all the evidence that could be were presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even his freinds condemnd him and gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we leave your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it sufficiently allready. 332.

4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore souls here who are destiute of the means of salvation, etc. I But all his soothing is but that you would use means, that his censure might be released that he might here continue; and under you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about and effecte. For such men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to their wages and conditions; if that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls some wher els among richer bodys. 333.

Next he fals upon the church, that indeed is the burthensome stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold this principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordinarie ministrie for the converssion of those without. The church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her warrente; that ordinarie officers are bound cheefly to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extravagants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. But he perverts the truth in this as in other things, for the Lord hath as well appoynted them to converte, as to feede in their severall charges; and he wrongs the church to say other wise. Againe, he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall. This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day some are appointed to visite suspected places, and if any be found idling and neglette the hearing of the word, (through idlnes or profanes,) they are punished for the same. Now to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him for preaching to all, were to play the mad men.334.

6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they came, what soever pretences they make, etc. We answer, the more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, and then reproach us for it when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of the means of salvation, as this man would make the world beleeve; for our reved Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word of God unto us, before he came; and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoakeil without ostentation, he is not inferriour to Mr. Lyford (and some of his betters) either in gifts or larning, though he would never be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he may take it to him selfe; what the church houlds, they have manifested to the world, in all plaines,both in open confession, doctrine, and writing.335.

This was the sume of ther answer, and hear I will let them rest for the presente. I have bene longer’in these things then I desired, and yet not so long as the things might require, for I pass many things in silence, and many more deserve to have been more largly handled. But I will returne to other things, and leave the rest to its place. 336.

The pinasse that was left sunck and cast away near Damarins-cove, as is before showed, some of the fishing maisters said it was a pity so fine a vessell should be lost, and sent them word that, if they would be at the cost, they would both directe them how to waygh her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, and sente men aboute it, and beaver to defray the charge, (without which all had been in vaine). So they gott coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of cask, and being made tight and fastened to her at low-water, they boyed her up; and then with many hands bald her on shore in a conveniente place whey she might be wrought upon; and then hired sundrie carpenters to work upon her, and other to saw planks, and at last fitted her and got her home. But she cost a great deale of money, in thus recovering her, and buying riging and seails for her, both now and when before she lost her mast; so as she proved a chargable vessell to the poor plantation. So they sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in great secretie; but the party intrusted with it gave it the Govr.337.

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, without any spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many who before stood something of from the church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous dealing, and malignitie against the church, now tendered them selves to the church, and were joyned to the same; proffessing that it was not out of the dislike of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to fitte them selves beter for such a state, and they saw now the Lord cald for their help. And so these troubls prodused a quite contrary effecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by unlickly means; and that in reason which might rather have set them further of. And thus I shall end this year.338.

Anno Dom: 1625.
AT the spring of the year, about the time of their Election Court,Oldam came againe amongst them; and though it was a part of his censure for his former mutinye and miscariage, not to returne without leave first obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed without any leave at all, being also set on and hardened by the ill counselof others. And not only so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond the limits of all reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers which came with him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him; but all reprofes were but as oyle to the fire, and made the flame of his coller greater. He caled them all to nought, in this his mad furie, and a hundred rebells and traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they commited him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of musketers which he was to pass throw, and ever one was ordered to give him a thump on the brich, with the but end of his musket, and then was conveied to the water side, wher a boat was ready to Gary him away. Then they bid him goe and mende his maners.339.

Whilst this was a doing, Mr. William Peirce and Mr. Winslow came up from the water side, being come from England; but they were so busie with Oldam, as they never saw them till they came thus upon them. They bid them not spare either him or Liford, for they had played the vilans with them. But that I may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once for all relate what befell concerning him in the future, and that breefly. After the removall of his familie from hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,) and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards winter, he intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so pleased God that the barke that caried him, and many other passengers, was in that danger, as they dispaired of life; so as many of them, as they fell to prayer, so also did they begine to examine their consciences and confess such sins as did most burthen them. And Mr. Ouldame did make a free and large confession of the wrongs and hurt he had done to the people and church here, in many perticulers, that as he had sought their ruine, so God had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he feared they all fared the worce for his sake; he prayed God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if the Lord spard his life, he would become otherwise, and the like. This I had from some of good credite, yet living in the Bay, and were them selves partners in the same dangers on the shoulds of CapCodd, and heard it from his ovine mouth. It pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their viage; and in time after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, and acknowledged the hand of God to be with them, and seemed to have an honourable respecte of them; and so farr made his peace with them, as he in after time had libertie to goe and come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sicknes, but recovered and came back againe to his familie in the Bay, and ther lived till some store of people came over. At lenght going a trading in a smale vessell among the Indians, and being weakly mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on the head with a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, and never spake word more. 2. litle boys that were his kinsmen were saved, but had some hurte, and the vessell was strangly recovered from the Indeans by- another that belonged to the Bay of Massachusets; and this his death was one ground of the Pequentel wary which followed.340.

I am now come to Mr. Lyford. His time being now expired, his censure was to take place. He was so farre from answering their hopes by amendmente in the time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before noted. But first behold the hand of God concerning him, wherin that of the Psalmist is verified. Psa: 7. 15. He hath made a pitte, and digged it, and is fallen into the pitte he made. He thought to bring shame and disgrace upon them, but in stead therof opens his ovine to all the world. For when he was delte with all aboute his second letter, his wife was so affected with his doings, as she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens the same to one of their deacons and some other of her freinds, and after uttered the same to Mr. Peirce upon his arrivall. Which was to this purpose, that she feared some great judgment of God would fall upon them, and upon her, for her husbands cause; now that they were to remove, she feared to fall into the Indeans hands, and to be defiled by them, as he had defiled other women; or some shuch like judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I will raise up evill against thee, and will take thy wives and give them, etc. And upon it showed how he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by another before they were maried, and she having some inkling of some ill cariage that way, when he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, and deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing the thing, other wise then by some darke and secrete muterings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. Upon which she gave consente, and maried with him; but afterwards it was found true, and the bastard brought home to them. She then charged him with his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els not have had her. And yet afterwards she could keep no maids but he would be medling with them, and some time she hath taken him in the maner, as they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to relate. The woman being a grave matron and of good cariage all the while she was hear, and spoake these things out of the sorrow of her harte, sparingly, and yet with some further intimations. And that which did most seeme to affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former cariage in his repentance, not only hear with the church, but formerly about these things; sheding tears, and using great and sade expressions, and yet eftsone fall into the like things.341.

Another thing of the same nature did strangly concurr herewith. When Mr. Winslow and Mr. Peirce were come over, Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, as they had with him selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters and accusations in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made by his freinds theraboute, crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to be so esteemed and taxed they held a great skandale, and threated to prosecute law against them for it. But things being referred to a further meeting of most of the adventurers, to heare the case and decide the matters, they agreed to chose 2. eminente men for moderators in the bussines. Lyfords faction chose Mr. White, a counselor at law, the other parte chose Reved. Mr. Hooker,the minister, and many freinds on both sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. In the mean time, God in his providence had detected Lyford’s evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst the company, who made it knowne to Mr. Winslow, and directed him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would testifie the same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The thing was this; he being gott into Ireland, had wound him selfe into the esteeme of sundry godly and zelous professours in those parts, who, having been burthened with the ceremonies in England, found their some more liberty to their consciences; amongst whom were these 2. men, which gave this evidence. Amongst the rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge man that intended to marie, and cast his affection on a maide which lived their aboute; but desiring to chose in the Lord, and preferred the fear of God before all other things, before he suffered his affection to rune too farr, he resolved to take Mr. Lyfords advise and judgmente of this maide, (being the minister of the place,) and so broak the matter unto him; and he promised faithfully to informe him, but would first take better knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her; and so had sundry times; and in conclusion commended her highly to the young man as a very fitte wife for him. So they were maried togeather; but some time after mariage the woman was much troubled in mind, and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and mourne, and long it was before her husband could get of her what was the cause. But at length she discovered the thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had overcome her, and defiled her body before marriage, after he had comended him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have him, when he came to her in that private way. The circumstances I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to hear them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her, yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.) These things being thus discovered, the womans husband tooke some godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this evill. At length he confest it, with a great deale of seeming sorrow and repentance, but was foret to leave Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear of further punishmente, for the godly withdrew them selves from him upon it; and so comming into England unhapily he was light upon and sente hither.342.

But in this great assembly, and before the moderators, in handling the former matters aboute the letters, upon provocation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords defenders, Mr. Winslow let fall these words, That he had delte knavishly; upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, and caled for witneses, that he cald a minister of the gospell knave, and would prosecute law upon it, which made a great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte) this matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused, whose persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine, and the fatte so foule, yet delivered in such modest and chast terms, and with such circumstances, as strucke all his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; insomuch as the moderators with great gravitie declared that the former matters gave them cause enough to ‘refuse him and to deal with him as they had done, but these made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any more, what repentance soever he should pretend; with much more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds to rest quiete. Thus was this matter ended. From hence Lyford wente to Natasco,in the Bay of the Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with him, wher Oldom allso lived. From thence he removed to Namkeke, since called Salem; but after ther came some people over, wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els I know not, he left his freinds that followed him, and went from thence to Virginia, wher he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to the Lord. His wife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and thus much of this matter. 343.

This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie sad effects followed the same; for the Company of Adventurers broake in peetes here upon, and the greatest parte wholy deserted the colony in regarde of any further supply, or care of their subsistance. And not only so, but some of Lyfords and Oldoms freinds, and their adherents, set out a shipe on fishing, on their owne accounte, and getting the starte of the ships that came to the plantation, they tooke away their stage, and other necessary provisions that they had made for fishing at CapAnne the year before, at their great charge, and would not restore the same, excepte they would fight for it. But the Govsent some of the planters to help the fisher men to build a new one, and so let them keepe it. This shipe also brought them some small supply, of little value; but they made so pore a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men make them any returne for the supply sente,) so as, after this year, they never looked more after them.344.

Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in the name of the rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of from the plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine conditions, of reuniting againe. The which because they are longe and tedious, and most of them aboute the former things already touched, I shall omite them; only giveing an instance in one, or tow. I reason, they charged them for dissembling with his majestic in their petition, and with the adventurers about the French discipline, etc.2ly, for receiv[ing] a maninto their church, that in his conffession renownced all, universall, nationall, and diocessan churches, etc., by which (say they) it appears, that though they deney the name of Brownists, yet they practiss the same, etc. And therfore i hev should sinne against God in building up such a people.345.

Then they adde: Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we may goe on in trade with better contente and credite, our desires are as followeth. First, that as we are partners in trade, so we may be in Govrt ther, as the patente doth give us power, etc. 346.

2. That the French discipline may be practised in the plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in the substance; wherby the scandallous name of the Brownists, and other church differences, may be taken away.347.

3. Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his company may not goe over to our plantation, unless he and they will reconcile themselves to our church by a recantation under their hands, etc.348.

Their answer in part to these things was then as foloweth.349.

Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestic and the adventurers aboute the French discipline, you doe us wrong, for we both hold and practice the discipline of the French and other reformed churches, (as they have published the same in the Harmony of Confessions,) according to our means, in effecte and substance. But wheras you would tye us to the French discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from the libertie we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought any Christian or church in the world to doe it. The French may erre, we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless doe in many circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only to the infallible word of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and followed as the only rule and pattern for direction herin to all churches and Christians. And it is too great arrogantie for any man, or church to thinke that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottome, as precislie to sett downe the churches discipline, without error in substance or circumstance, as that no other without blame may digress or differ in any thing from the same. And it is not difhculte to skew, that the reformed churches differ in many circumstances amongest them selves.350.

The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to prosecute these men or their doings any further, but shall returne to the rest of their freinds of the company, which stuck to them. And I shall first inserte some part of their letters as followeth; for I thinke it best to render their minds in ther owne words.351.

To our loving freinds, etc.

Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and the evill we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we have had some years; wherin though our expressions have been small, yet our harty affections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves. And though this your freind Mr. Winslow can tell you the state of things hear, yet least we should seeme to neglette you, to whom, by a wonderful) providence of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once more to write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen, and the resons of it; as also our purposes and desirs toward you for hereafter.352.

The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from what it was; and wheras you and we were formerly sharers and partners, in all viages and deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke our sellves what course to take in the future, that your lives and our monies be not lost.353.

The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First and mainly, the many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men, which have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, and ingagements, as our estats and means were not able to goe on without impoverishing our selves, except our estats had been greater, and our associate cloven beter unto us. 2ly, as here hath been a faction and siding amongst us now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach and sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and forsaking of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with you. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this their doing is wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,) yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, etc. Now what use you or we ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be considered, for we know the hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is amide. And allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent and stay these things, yet is it not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, and conscience in bearing them, and in caring our selves in and under them for the time to come.354.

And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occasions that may tend to the furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather admiring of what is, then grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie and conscience be still approved, and lose not one jote of your innocencie, amids your crosses and afflictions. And surly if you upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to. wound your adversaries; for when your righteousnes is revealled as the light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your overthrow. 355.

Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther apertaine to the generall, be kept and preserved togeather, and rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any private ends or intents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you gather togeather such commodities as the cuntrie yeelds, and send them over to pay debts and clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 14001i. And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, etc. Let us all indeavor to keep a faire and honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We still are perswaded you are the people that must make a plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your freinds should forsake you (which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appereeth). Yet surly help would arise from.some other place whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we should leave you allso.356.

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as that no man may make just exceptions against you. And more espetially that the favour and countenance of God may be so toward you, as that you may find abundante joye and peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David, Though my father and mother should forsake me, yet the Lord would take me up.357.

We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, etc., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand to doe; we have committed them to the charge and custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. Win slow, as our factours, at whose discretion they are to be sould, and commodities to be taken for them, as is fitting. And by how much the more they will be chargable unto you, the bet[ter] they had need to be husbanded, etc. Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet the work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for the glorie of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with more comforte spend his life in it, then live the life of Mathusala, in wasting the plentie of a tilled land, or eating the fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to you all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves, this 18. of Des: 1624.358.

Your assured freinds to our powers,

J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. etc.
By this leter it appears in what state the affairs of the plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, but they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in the hundred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward bound; and because of the venture of the paiment homeward, they would have 30.2 in the 100. more, which was in all 70. pr. cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too great an oppression upon the poore people, as their case stood. The catle were the best goods, for the other being ventured ware, were neither at the best (some of them) nor at the best prises. Sundrie of their freinds disliked these high rates, but comming from many hands, they could not help it.359.

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne acounte; the one was the pinass that was cast away the last year hear in the cuntrie, and recovered by the planters, (as was before related,) who, after she came home, was attached by one of the company for his perticuler debte, and now sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great ship, who was well fitted with an experienced Mr and company of fisher-men, to make a viage, and to goe to Bilbo or Sabastians with her fish; the lesser, her order was to load with cor-fish,and to bring the beaver home for England that should be received for the goods sould to the plantation. This bigger ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the which, if they had gone to a market with, would have yeelded them (as such fish was sould that season) 1800li. which would have enriched them. But because ther was a bruite of warr with France, the mr neglected (through timerousnes) his order, and ;gut first into Plimoth, and after into Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came by the loss. The lesser ship had as ill success, though she was as hopfull as the other for the marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly cor-fish taken upon the banke, as full as she could swime; and besids she had some 800li. weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to a good value from the plantation. The mr seeing so much goods come, put it abord the biger ship, for more saftie; but Mr. Winslow (their factor in this busines) was bound in a bond of 500li. to send it to London in the smale ship; ther was some contending between the mr and him aboute it. But he touId the mr he would follow his order aboute it; if he would take it out afterward, it should be at his perill. So it went in the smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The mr was so carfull being both so well laden, as they went joyfully home togeather, for he towed the leser ship at his sterne all the way over bound, and they had such fayr weather as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in to the English Chanell, almost within the sight of Plimoth; and yet ther she was unhaply taken by a Turks man of wary, and carried into Saly,2 wher the mr and men were made slaves, and many of the beaver skins were sould for 4d. a peece. Thus was all their hops dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home turned to heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand of God for their too great exaction of the poore plantation, but Gods judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be bould therwith; but however its shows us the uncertainty of all humane things, and what litle cause ther is of joying in them or trusting to them.360.

In the bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Standish from the plantation, with leters and instructions, both to their freinds of the company which still clave to them, and also to the Honourable Counsell of New-England. To the company to desire that seeing that they ment only to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have them upon easier termes, for they should never be able to bear such high intrest, or to allow so much per cent; also that what they would doe in that way that it might be disburst in money, or such goods as were fitte and needfull for them, and bought at best hand; and to aquainte them with the contents of his leters to the Counsell above said, which was to this purpose, to desire their favour and help;t hat such of the adventurers as had thus forsaken and deserted them, might be brought to some order, and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be free. But that they might either stand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by dividente, or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for the Stat was full of trouble, and the plague very hote in London, so as no bussines could be done; yet he spake with some of the Honourd Co unsell, who promised all helpfullnes to the plantation which lay in them. And sundrie of their freinds the adventurers were so weakened with their losses the last year, by the losse of the ship taken by the Turks, and the loss of their fish, which by reason of the warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, and so came to litle; so as, thought heir wills were good, yet theyr power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds weekly of the plague, as all trade was dead, and litle money stirring. Yet with much adooe he tooke up 150li. (and spent a good deal of it in expences) at 50. per cent. which he bestowed in trading goods and such other most needfull comodities as he knew requiset for their use; and so returned passengers in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for the composition that was afterward made.361.

In the mean time it pleased the Lord to give the plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese ther labours, as they had corne sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats load of come 40. or 50. leagues to the eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being one of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them the year before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe the corne drie, but the men were faine to stand it out all weathers without shelter; and that time of the year begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them good success, for they brought home 700li. of beaver, besids some other furrs, having litle or nothing els but this corne, which them selves had raised out of the earth. This viage was made by Mr. Win slow and some of the old standers, for seamen they had none. 362.

Anno Dom: 1626.
ABOUT the begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Standish his arrivals, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and the things he had brought. Welcome he was, but the news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which their freinds had suffered, by which some in a maner were undon, others much disabled from doing any further help, and some dead of the plague, but also that Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck them with much sorrow and sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adversaries had been long and continually plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but the Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning whose death and the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to the Govr and Mr. Brewster.363.

Loving and kind frinds, etc.
I know not whether this will ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard of the Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, and sorrows, as we doe with you. These are therfore to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving and faithfull pastor, and my dear and Revd brother, Ni r. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick on Saturday in the morning, yet the next day (being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so the weeke after grew weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all the time of his sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to the very last. He fell sicke the 22. of Feb: and departed this life the 1. of March.He had a wall inwarde ague, but free from infection, so that all his freinds came freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which the Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with the Lord in etemall hapines. We wanting him and all Church Gov~, yet we still (by the mercie Of God) continue and hould close togeather, in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were the will of God) that you and we were againe united togeather in one, either ther or here; but seeing it is the will of the Lord thus to dispose of things, the must labour with patience to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. For news, is here not much; only as in England we have lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a month agoe, so here they have lost the old prince, Grave Mourise;who both departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England we have a new-king Charts, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, etc. Thus with my love remembred, I take leave and rest,364.

Your assured loving freind,

Legden, Aprilt 28. Ano: 1625.Roger White
Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this world near aboute one time. Death maks no difference.365.

He further brought them notice of the death of their anciente freind, Mr. Cash-man, whom the Lord tooke away allso this year, and aboute this time, who was as their right hand with their freinds the adventurers, and for diverte years had done and agitated all their bussines with them to ther great advantage. He had write to the Gover but some few months before, of the sore sicknes of Mr. James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to the plantation, and lay at the pointe of death, declaring his love and helpfullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they should have of him, if God should now take him away, as being the stay and life of the whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, knew not that his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a mans ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands who hath the issues of life and death. Man may purpose, but God doth dispose. 366.

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.367.

All which things (before related) being well weighed and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great perplexitie; and to looke humanly on the state of things as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and the Lord so helped them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowestthey begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as they were not only upheld and sustained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others; as by the sequell will more appeare, if the Lord spare me life and time to declare the same.368.

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, but only their trading and planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with the best industrie they could. The planters finding their corne, what they could spare from ther necessities, to be a commoditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting the same. And the Gover and such as were designed to manage the trade, (for it was retained for the generall good, and none were to trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, and belonged to some ants of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gover and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who lived at Pascataway,understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some ante to them both; for they, perceiving their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede and occasion, and tooke come for them of the people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of the goods came to above 400li. starling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Sacadahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500 li. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, with the beaver and comodities they had gott the winter before, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thomson having some things overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and the marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them and tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments which lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and the remains of former debts. With these goods, and their come after harvest, they gott good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements against the time, and to get some cloathing for the people, and had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild the Indeans with come, and beat downe the prise, giveing them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso.369.

This year they sent Mr. Allerton into England, and gave him order to make a composition with the adventurers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben made the year before by Captaine Standish); but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew the termes, and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr the conclusion to them. Also they gave him a commission under their hands and seals to take up some money, provided it exeeded not such a summe sp ecified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to lay out the same for the use of the plantation. 370.

And finding they ranne a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smaae open boat, espetialy the winter season, they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pinass; as for the reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised the prise with the Indcans above the halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente ; but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought with the ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of the bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in the midle, and so lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt and comfortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles and anchors, the insuing year. And thus passed the affairs of this year.371.

Anno Dom: 1627.
AT the usuall season of the coming of ships Mr. Allerton returned, and brought some usfull goods with him, according to the order given him. For upon his commission he tooke up 200li. which he now got at 30. per cent. The which goods they gott safiy home, and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort and contente of the plantation. He declared unto them, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he had made a composition with the adventurers, by the help of sundrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther names ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they could get, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here inserte.372.

To all Christian people, greeting, etc.
Whereas at a meeting the 26. of October last past, diverse and sundrie persons, whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme falling,) to sell, and make sale of all and every the stocks, shares, lands, marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to the said adventurers, and other ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way accruing, or belonging to the generalitie of the said adventurers aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever; for the better expression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscribing, doe for them selves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all and every the said shares, goods, lands, marchandise, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of the planters resident at Plimoth afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for the rest of the planters they, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as the said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in the premisses, their heirs, and assignes, in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc. to the said adven: in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: doe warrant and defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against them, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore the said Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant too and with the adven: whose names are here unto subscribed, ther heirs, etc. well and truly to pay, or cause to be payed, unto the said adven: or 5. of them which were, at that meeting afforsaid, nominated and deputed, viz. John Pocock, John Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, mar chants, their heirs, etc. too and for the use of the generallitie of them, the sume of 1800li. of lawfull money of England, at the place appoynted for the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royall Exchaing in London, by 200li. yearly, and every year, on the feast of St. Migchell, the first paiment to be made Ano: 1628, etc. Allso the said k is to indeavor to procure and obtaine from the planters of N., P. securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory, to make paiment of the said sume of 1800li. in forme afforsaid, according to the true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining with the said Isaack Allerton, the said subscribing adven: have sett to their names, etc.And to the other part remaining with the said adven: the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his name, the 15. Nov br. An: 1626. in the 2. year of his Majesties raigne. 373.

This agreemente was very well liked of, and approved by all the plantation, and consented unto; though they knew not well how to raise the payment and discharge their other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants of the plantation, seeing they were forced for their necessities to take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of the cheefe of the place became joyntly bound for the paimente of this 1800li. (in the behalfe of the rest) at the severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their present state stood, having many other heavie burthens all ready upon them, and all things in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So the next returne it was absolutly cone firmed on both sids, and the bargen fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put into better forme, by the advice of the learnedest counsell they could gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on the whole for none paimente at any of the days, it rane thus: to forfite 30s. a weeke if they missed the time; and was concluded under their hands and seals, as may be seen at large by the deed it selfe.374.

Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed amongst them from the first, which came out of England, and more afterwards by some of the adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them, though sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other places,-yet diverse were still mingled amongst them, about whom the Gover and counsell with other of ther cheefe freinds had serious consideration, how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte of the distribution of things both for the presente and future. For the present, excepte peace and union were preserved, they should be able to doe nothing, but indanger to over throw all, now that other tyes and bonds were taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all amongst them, that were either heads of families, or single yonge men, that were of abillity, and free, (and able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their affairs, so as to be helpfull in the comove-welth,) into this partnership or purchass. First, they considered that they had need of men and strength both for defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 2ly, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries and wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to partake in a better condition, if the Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they saw not how peace would be preserved without so doing, but danger and great disturbance might grow to their great hurte and prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in distribution of lands, and other courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming to them.375.

So they caled the company togeather, and conferred with them, and came to this conclusion, that the trade should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all such persons as were above named should be reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men to have a single share, and every father of a familie to be slowed to purchass so many shares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for him wife, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, but what either their maisters should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from the company afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single shares according to the order abovesaid; and so every one was to pay his part according to his proportion towards the purchass, and all other debts, what the profite of the trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for a single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as lie had. This gave all good contente. And first accordingly the few catle which they had were devided,l which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or shars, and 2. goats to the same, which were first equalised for age and goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as they thought good, and smaler familys likwise; and swine though more in number, yet by the same rule. Then they agreed that every person or share should have 20. acres of land de them, besids the single acres they had allready; and they appoynted were to begin first on the one side of the towne, and how farr to goe; and then on the other side in like manor; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; as that they should only lay out settable or tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on the water side, (as the most they were to lay out did,) and pass by the rest as refuse and commune; and what they judged fitte should be so taken. And they were first to agree of the goodnes and fitnes of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of ther owne, as an other mans; and this course they were to houId throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe the people togither, as much as might be, they allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall next the towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they best liked; and should suffer them to plant come with them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. acres was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by the water side, and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks and corners, which were to be measured as they would bear to best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years after, because they were but streight of meadow grounds; and if they had bene now given out, it would have kindred all addition to them afterwards; but every season all were appoynted wher they should mowe, according to the proportion of cable they had. This distribution gave generally good contente, and setled mens minds. Also they gave the Gower and 4. or 5. of the spetiall men amongst them, the houses they lived in; the rest were valued and equalised at an indiferent rate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as the vaulation wente.376.

Ther is one thing that fell out in the begining of the winter before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may handle the whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, either by the insufficiencie of the maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick and lame of the scurvie, so that he could but lye in the cabin dore, and give direction; and it should seeme was badly assisted either with mate or mariners; or else the fear and unrulines of the passengers were such, as they made them stear a course betweene the southwest and the norwest, that they might fall with some land, what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of the company had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases, which made them rune this desperate course. But it plased God that though they came so neare the shoulds of Cap-Codd or else ran stumbling over them in the night, they knew not how, they came right before a small blind harbor e, that lyes about the midle of Manamoyake Bay, to the southward of Cap-Codd,with a small gale of wind; and about high water toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes before but had no hurte, the sea being smoth; so they laid out an anchore. But towards the evening the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their cable, and beat them over the barr into the harbor, wher they saved their lives and goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for with beating they had sprung the but end of a planke or too, and beat out ther occome;but they were soone over, and ran on a drie fiate within the harbor, close by a beach; so at low water they gatt out their goods on drie shore, and dried those that were wette, and saved most of their things without any great loss; neither was the ship much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were not a Title glad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had a litle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on their condition, not knowing whey they were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be strucken with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians come to them in canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when they heard some of the Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a litle revived, especially when they heard them demand if they were the Gower of Plimoths men, or freinds; and that they would bring them to the English houses, or carry their letters.377.

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to the Gover, and did intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch, and occume, and spiks, with divers other necessaries for the mending of ther ship (which was recoverable). Allso they besought him to help them with some come and sundrie other things they wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they should be much bound to him, and would make satisfaction for any thing they had, in any comodities they had abord. After the Gower was well informed by the messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be made ready, and such things to be provided as they write for; and because others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso carried some trading comodities, to buy them come of the Indeans. It was no season of the year to goe withoute the Cape, but understanding wher the ship lay, he went into the bottom of the bay, on the inside, and put into a crick called Naumskachett,l wher it is not much above 2. mile over land to the bay wher they were, wher he had the Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very glad, and received the things to mend ther ship, and other necessaries. Allso he bought them as much come as they would have; and wheras some of their sea -men were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their returne to the ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very thankfull for the curtesies they receaved. But after the Gower thus left them, he went into some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with come, which he traded, and so went home. But he had not been at home many days, but he had notice from them, that by the violence of a great storme, and the bad morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now w holy unfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that they might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with them, till they could have means to convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might have means to transport their goods, and they would pay for the same, or any thing els when with the plantation should releeve them. Considering their distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done unto them; their goods transported, and them selves and goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could.378.

The cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells and Mr. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish. Some others ther were that had a servante or 2. a peece; but the most were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso had the most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing setled, the maisters desired some ground to imploye ther servants upon; seing it was like to be the latter end of the year before they could have passage for Virginia, and they had now the winter before them; they might clear some ground, and plant a trope (seeing they had tools, and necessaries for the same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their servants in inployment; and if they had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe, they would sell it on the ground. So they had ground appointed them in convenient places, and Fells and some other of them raised a great deall of come, which they sould at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other servants had a maid servante which kept his house and did his household affairs, and by the intimation of some that belonged to him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine; and both of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood upon their justification; so with admonition they were dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a small boat, and ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and after into the bay of the Massachussets, but could get no passage, and had like to have been cast away; and was forst to come againe and submite him selfe; but they pact him away and those that belonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone as could, being many untoward people amongst them; though ther were allso some that caried them selves very orderly all the time they stayed. And the plantation had some benefite by them, in selling them come and other provisions of food for cloathing; for they had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, and other stuffs, besids hose, and shoes, and such like commodities as the planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and received good one from another; and a cuple of barks caried them away at the later end of sommer. And sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfullness since from Virginia. That they might the better take all convenient opportunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to ngage them of those great sumes which they stood charged with, and bound for, they resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet,a place 20. mile from the plantation, standing on the sea to the southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on this side, they could carttheir goods, within 4. or 5. miles, and then transport them over land to their vessell; and so avoyd the comparing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to the southward in much shorter time, and with farr less danger. Also for the saftie of their vessell and goods, they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who also planted corne, and reared some swine, and were allwayes ready to goe out with the barke when ther was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to their profite.379.

They now sent (with the returne of the ships) Mr. Allerton againe into England, giveing him full power, under their hands and seals, to conclude the former bargaine with the adventurers; and sent ther bonds for the paimente of the money. All so they sent what beaver they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes, and to defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in the river of Kenebec; for being emulated both by the planters at Pas other places and other places to the eastward of them, and allso by the fishing ships, which used to draw much profite from the Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, and shutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw them so well furnished with commodities, as to carie the trade from them. They thought it but needfull to prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be excluded from free trade they, wher them selves had first begune and discovered the same, and brought it to so good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and messengers from the Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from the Govr ther, writen both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded in these southerne parts, diverse years before they came; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here begining.’ Ther letters were as followeth. It being their maner to be full of complementall titles. 380.

Edele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveerneur, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden.381.

Den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen uwe Edn: eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck salichitt [gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer Siele, ende Lichaem.382.


The rest I shall render in English, leaving ou4 the repetition of superfluous titles.383.

We have often before this wished for an opportunifie or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy undertakeings, and Goverment of your colony ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good begining to pitch the foundation of a collonie hear; and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our forefathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficiently appears by the old contractes, and entrecourses,z confirmed under the hands of kings and princes, in the pointe of wary and trafick; as may be scene and read by all the world in the old chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new covenante,(and to take up armes,) with the States Generall of our dear native country, against our commone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pretended monarchic over all Christendom; and so to rule and command, after his owne pleasure, over the consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid.384.

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of the Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to Gary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and service unto you, in all frendly-kindnes and neighbourhood. And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound to help and accommadate you ther with; either for beaver or any other wares or marchandise that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in case we have no commodity at present that may give you contente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In the mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection. 385.

By the appointment of the GOVT and Counsell, etc.386.

ISAAK DE RASIER, Secretaris.
From the Manhatas, in the fort Amsterdam, March 9. Ano: 1627.
To this they returned answer as followeth, on the other side.387.

To the Honoured, etc.
The Gover and Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, etc. We have received ,your leters, etc. wherin appeareth your good wills and frendship towards us; but is expresed with over high titls, more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonic, we are much bound to you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg the same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood.388.

Now these are further to give your WorPPto understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestic hath not only bene pleased to confirme that ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but bath him seife (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist the prid of that commone enemy the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also many of ourfreindsdoe tothis day; for which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall neverforgett the same, but shall hartily desire your good and prosperity, as our owne, for ever.389.

. Likwise for your freindly tender, and offer to acommodate and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may have profitable commerce and trade togeather.’ But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by the pounde, and otters, by the skine; and how you will deale per cent. for other comodities, and what you can furnishe us with. As Likwise what other commodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, and what prises you will give, etc.390.

Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte, because for wante of use we cannot so well express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully as we should. And so we humbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his seeping and gratious protection.391.

By the Gover and Counsell of New-Plimoth,392.

Your Wor”9 very good freinds and neigbours, etc.
New-Plim: March 19.
After this ther was many passages betweene them both by Letters and other entercourse ; and they had some profitable commerce togither for diverse years, till other occasions interrupted the same, as may happily appear afterwards, more at large. 393.

Before they sent Mr. Allerton away for England this year, the Gover and some of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, not only how they might discharge those great ingagments, which lay so heavily upon them, and is aflore mentioned but also how they might (if possiblie they could) devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of Leyden over to them, who desired so much to come to them, and they desired as much their company. To effecte which, theyo resolved to rune a high course, and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was to hire the trade of the company for certaine years, and in that time to undertake to pay that 1800li. and all the rest of the debts that then lay upon the plantation, which was aboute some 600li. more; and so to set them free, and returne the trade to the generalitie againe at the end of the terme. Upon which on they called the company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto all what their debts were, and upon what terms they would undertake to pay them all in such a time, and sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of the same, but doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after some agitation of the thing with the company, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made upon the conditions following.394.

Articles of agreemente betweene the collony of New-Plimmoth of the one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Standish, Isaack Allerton, etc. one the other partie; and shush others as they shall thinke good to take as partners and undertakers with them,concerning the trade for beaver and other furrs and comoes, etc.; made July, 1627.
First, agreed and covenanted betweexte the said parties, that the afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and Isaack Allerton, etc. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite the said collony of all the debtes both due for the purchass, or any other belonging to them, at the day of the date of these presents.395.

Secondly, the above-said parties are to have and freely injoye the pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and the shalop, called the Bassboat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in the store of the said company; with all the whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wampampeak,hatchets, knives, etc. that is now in the storre, or any way due unto the same uppon accounte.396.

3ly. That the above said parties have the whole trade to them selves, their heires and assignes, with all the privileges therof, as the said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine the last of September next insuing.397.

4ly. In furder consideration of the discharge of the said debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during the full terme of the said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or 6li. of tobaco, at the undertakers choyse.398.

5ly. The said undertakers shall dureing the afforesaid terme bestow 50li. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for the collonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6s. per bushell.399.

6ly. That at the end of the said terme of 6. years, the whole trade shall returne to the use and benefite of the said collonie, as before. 400.

Lastly, if the afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon the first returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge the debtes of the said collony, according to the true meaning and intente of these presents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be given to the said collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former order.401.

Mr. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him into England, and amongst other his instructions had order given him to deale with some of their speciall freinds, to jo3’ne with them in this trade upon the above recited conditions; as aliso to imparte their further ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over of some of their freinds from Leyden, as they should be able; in which if any of them would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their love and partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the accomplishmente of these things with some advantage.402.

Anno Dom: 1628.
After Mr. Auertons arivall in England, he aquainted them with his comission and full power to conclude the forementioned bargan and purchas; upon the veiw wherof, and the delivery of the bonds for the paymente of the money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully concluded, and a deedefairly ingrossed in partchmente was delivered him, under their hands and seals confirming the same. Morover he delte with them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to admittsomeof these their good freinds into this purchass if they pleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, etc. Touching which I shall hear inserte a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giving light to what followed therof, writ to the Govr as followeth. 403.

I have received yours of the 26. of May by Mr. Gibs, and Mr. Goff, with the barren of otter skins, according to the contents; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them togeather at 78li. 12s. sterling; and since, Mr. Auerton bath received the money, as will pear by the accounte. It is true (as you write) that your ingagments are g, not only the purchass, but you are yet necessitated to take up the sk you work upon; and that not at 6. or 8. pr cent. as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, and some at 50. pr cent. which, were not your games great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then ordinarie, it could not be that you should longe subsiste in the maintaining of, and upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your honest and discreete agent e, Mr. Allerton, hath seriously considered, and deeply laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me and some few others, to joyne with you in the purchass, as partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all the rest, and doe willingly accepte of it. And though absente, shall willingly be at shuck charge as you and the rest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear my former 50li. and 2. years increase for the venture, both which now makes it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for the profite, you (I mean the generalitie) stand to the adventure, outward, and homeward. I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp to doe the like, so as you are eased of the high rate, you were at the other 2. yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What course I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe the same; and though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you desire I should be your agente or fattore hear. I have ever found you so faithfull, honest, and upright men, as I have even resolved with my selfe (God assisting me) to doe you all the good lyeth in my power; and therfore if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to performe your bussines, I promise (the Lord enabling me) to doe the best I can according to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I fail e, blame your selves, that you made no better choyce. Now, because I am sickly, and we are all mortal], I have advised Mr. Allerton to joyne Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very necessary and good for you; your charge shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me undertake your bussines. Thus comending you and yours, and all Gods people, unto the guidance and protection of the Allmightie, I ever rest, 404.

Your faithful] loving fremd,

London, Nov. 17. 1628.
Another leter of his, that should have bene placed before:405.

We cannot but take notice how the Lord hath been pleased to crosse our proseedings, and caused many disasters to befale us therin. I conceive the only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods glorie; but now I hope that cause is taken away; the bargen being fully concluded, as farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands and seals, to Mr. Allerton and the rest of his and your copartners. But for my owne parte, I confess as I was loath to hinder the full confirming of it, being the first propounder ther of at our meeting; so on the other side, I was as unwilling to set my hand to the sale, being the receiver of most part of the adventurs, and a second causer of much of the ingagments; and one more threatened, being most envied and aimed at (if they could find any stepe to ground their malice on) then any other whosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever had, or have, so to doe; neither shall it ever be proved that I have wronged them or any of the adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one peny in the disbursing of so many pounds in those 2. years trouble. No, the sole cause why they maligne me (as I and others conceived) was that I would not side with them against you, and the going over of the Leyden people. But as I then card not, so now I Title fear what they can doe; yet charge and trouble I know they may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have perswaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they would not; so rather then it should faile, Mr. Alerton having taken so much pains, I have sealed with the rest; with this proviso and promise of his, that if any trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe the charge. Wherfore now I doubt not but you will give your generallitie good contente, and selfe peace amongst your selves, and peace with the natives; and then no doubt but the God of Peace will blese your going out and your returning, and cause all that you sett your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray the Lord to grante if it be his blessed will. Asuredly unless the Lord be merciful] unto us and the whole land in generall, our estate and condition is farr worse then yours. Wherfore if the Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is much to be feared,), and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know no place safer then to come to ,you, (for all Europ is at varience one with another, but cheefly with us,) not doubting but to find such frendly entertainmente as shall be honest and conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly passed. For I profess in the word of an honest man, had it not been to procure your peace and quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have sealed to this last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure and debte ready downe. Thus desiring the Lord to blesse and prosper you, I cease ever resting, 406.

Your faithfull and loving freind, to my power,

Des: 27.
With this leter they sent a draught of a formal] deputation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them as their agents, according to what is mentioned in the above said letter; and because some inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here inserte it.407.

To all to whom these prets shall come greeting; know yee that we, Willi Bradford, Gov` of Plimoth, in N. E. in America, Isaak Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us, and in our names, make, substitute, and appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, and John Beachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawfull agents, factors, substitutes, and assignes; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, and marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or either of them, or to the citie of London, or other place of the Relme of Engl: shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter, or exchaing the said goods, wares, and marchandise so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents and factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme meete. And further we doe make and ordaine our said substituts and assignes joyntly and severally for us, and to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New Engl: aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in our names all such debtes and sumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wares or means; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us and in our names to doe, performe, and execute every acte and thing which to our said assignes, or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute the premissies, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person presente. And whatsoever our said agents and factors joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute the premisses, we will and doe, and every of us doth ratifie, alow, and confirme, by these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands and seals. 408.

Dated 18. Nov br 1628.
This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands and seals, and delivered unto them. Also Mr. Allerton formerly had authoritie under their hands and seals for the transacting of the former bussines, and taking up of moneys, etc. which still he retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they mistrusting neither him nor any of their freinds faithfullnes, which made them more remisse in looking to shuck acts as had passed under their hands, as necessarie for the time; but letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled, it turned to their harme afterwards, as will appere in its place.409.

Mr. Allerton having setled all things thus in a good and hopfull way, he made hast to returne in the first of the spring to be hear with their supply for trade, (for the fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth in winter and be here betimes.) He brought a resonable supply of goods for the plantation, and without those great interests as before is noted; and brought an accounte of the beaver sould, and how the money was disposed for goods, and the paymente of other debtes, having paid all debts abroad to others, save to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and Mr. Andrews; from whom likwIse he brought an accounte which to them all amounted not to above 400 li. for which he had passed bonds. Allso he had pased the first paymente for the purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200li. and brought them the bonde for the same cancelled; so as they now had no more foreine debtes but the abovesaid 400li. and odde pownds, and the rest of the yearly purchass money. Some other debtes they had in the cuntrie, but they were without any intrest, and they had wherwith to discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, and some others that would joyne with them in the trad and purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente number of them, to be hear the next year without fayle, if the Lord pleased to blesse their journey. He allso brought them a patente for Kenebeck, but it was so straite and ill bounded, as they were faine to renew and inlarge it the next year, as allso that which they had at home, to their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo Mr. Allerton did them good and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had so continued, or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer tht into England. But of this more afterwards.410.

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck they now erected a house up above in the river in the m convenientest place for trade, as they conceived, and f nished the same with commodities for that end, both win and sommer, not only with come, but also with such oth commodities as the fishermen had traded with them, as coa shirts, ruggs, and blankets, biskett, peace, prunes, etc.; what they could not have out of England, they bought of fishing ships, and so carried on their bassines as well as they could.411.

This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from th plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comoditiest auger, linen cloth, Holand finer and courser atufes, etc. Th came up with their barke to Manamete, to their house ther, which came their Secretarie Racier; a who was accompani with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; desired that they would send a boat for him, for he could n travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonsc sett, and brought him to the plantation, with the cheefe of company. And after some few days entertainmente, he turned to his barke, and some of them wente with him, bought sundry of his goods; after which begining thus they sente often times to the same place, and had enterco togeather for diverse years; and amongst other comodit they vended much tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, etc., whi was a good benefite to the people, till the Virginians found their plantation. But that which turned most to their profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake;for they now bought aboute 50li. worth of it of them; and they tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania;and did perswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so it came to pass in time, though at first it stuck, and it was 2. years before they could put of this small quantity, till the inland people knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for them, for many years togeather. And so this, with their other provisions, curt of they trade quite from the fisher-men, and in great part from other of the stragling planters. And strange it was to see the great allteration it made in a few years among the Indeans them selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, and the Massachussets, had none or very litle of it, but the sachems and some spetiall persons that wore a litle of it for ornamentz. Only it was made and kepte amonge the Narigansseta, and Pequents, which grew rich and potent by it, and these people were poore and begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English of this plantation, or any other in the land, till now that they had knowledg of it from the Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commoditie of that worth and valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to learne how to make it; for the Narigansets doe geather the shells of which they make it from their shors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 20. years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In the mean time it maks the Indeans of these parts rich and power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, by reasone of the bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English, Dutch and French, which may fume to the ruine of many. Hithertoo the Indeans of these parts had no peetes nor other armes but their Bowes and arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle a gone, so much were they affraid of them; and the very sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to the east parts which had commerce with the French, got peces of them, and they in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time ou English fisher-men, led with the like covetoussnes, followed their example, for their owne game; but upon complainte against them, it pleased the kings majestie to prohibite the same by a stricte proclaimation, commanding that no sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects be trade with them.412.

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came over one Captaine Wolastone, (a man of pretie parts and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminentie, who brougt with them a great many servants, with provissions and other implements for to begane a plantation ; and pitched them selves in a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton,who, it should seems, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst them; but had litle respecte amongst them, and was sleghted by the meanest servants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not finding things to answer their expectations, nor profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine Wollaston takes a great part of the servants, and transports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good rates, selling their time to other men; and writs back to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of them to Virginia likewise, intending to put them of ther as he had done the rest. And he, with the consente of the said Randall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his Livetenante, and governe the remaines of the plantation, till he or Randall returned to take further order theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petiefogger, of Furnefells Inne,)in the others absence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck and other junkats, and made them a feast; and after they were merle, he begane to tell them, he would give them good counsell. You see (with he) that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this Randall retorne, you will also be carried away and sould for slaveswith the rest. Therfore Iwould advise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher; and I, having a parte in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociata; so may you be free from service, attd we will converse, trad, plant~, and live togeather as squalls, and supports and protect~ one another, or to like effects. This counsell was easily received; so they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Levetenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to come no more amongst them, but foret him to seeks bread to sate, and other releefe from his neigbours, till he could gett passage for England. After this they fell to great liceneiousnea, and led a dissolute life, powering out them selves into all profanenes. And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were) a schools of Athisme. And after they had gott some good into their hands, and gott much by trading with the Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing and drinking both wine and strong waters in great exsess and as some reported, 10li. worth in a morning. They also set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing about it many days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) and worse practises- As if they had anew revived and celebrated the feasts of the Roman Goddes Flora, or the beasly practieses of the madd Bacchinalians. Morton likwise (to spew his poetrie) composed sundry rimes and verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to the detraction and standall of some persons; which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polls. They changed aliso the name of their place, and in stead of calling it Mount Wollaston, they call it Meriemounte, as if this joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, Mr: John Indecott, who brought over a patent under the broad wall,for the govermente of the Massachusets, who visiting those parts caused that May-polls to be cutt downs, and rebuked them for their profannes, and admonished them to looks ther should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed the name of their place agars, and called it MounteDagon. 413.

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and profuse excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing what gains the French and fisher-men made by trading of peetes, powder, and shone to the Indeana, he, as the head of this consortship, begane the practise of the same in these parts; and first he taught them how to use them, to charge, and di,9charg, and what proportion of powder to give the peece, according to the ails or bigres of the same; and what shone to use for fouls, and what for dears. And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of them to hunts and fowls for him, so as they became farr more active in that imploymente then any of the English, by reason of ther swiftnes of foots, and nimblnes of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continuall exercise well knowing the bents of all sorts of game. So ae when they saw the execution that a peece would doe, and the benefits that might come by the same, they became madd, as it were, after them, and would not stick to give any prise they could attains too for them; accounting their bowel and arrowes but bables in comparison of them.414.

And here I may take occasion to bewails the mischefe that this wicked man began in these parts, and which since base covetousnes prevailing in men that should know better, has now at length gott the upper hand, and made this thing commone, notwithstanding any laws to the contrary; so as the Indeans are full of peeces all over, both fouling peecea, muskets, pistols, etc. They have also their moulds to make shone, of all sorts, as muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, aware and gore shots, and of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplats to make scrupinathem selves, when they wants them, with sundery other implements, wherwith they are ordinarily better fited and furnished then the English themselves. Yea, it is well knowne that they will have powder and shot, when the English want it, nor cannot gett it; and that in a time of warn or danger, as experience bath manifested, hat when lead bath been scarce, and men for their owns defence would gladly have given a great a li., which is dear enoughe, yet bath it here bought up and sent to other places, and scold to shuch as trade it with the Indeana, at 12. pence the li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s. the pound, for they will have it at any rate. And these things have been done in the same times, when some of their neigbours and freinds are daly killed by the Indeans, or are in deanger therof, and live but at the Indeans mercie. Yea, some.(as they have aquainted them with all other things) have tiould them how gunpowder is made, and all the materialls in it, and that they are to be had in their owns land; and I am confidente, could they attains to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. 0 the horiblnes of this vilanie! how many both Dutch and English have been lady shine by those Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie provided, nay, the evill more increased, and the blood of their brethren sould for gains, as is tA³ be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in is too well known. Oh! that princes and parlements would take some timly order to prevente this mischeefe; and at length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punishments upon some of these gains thirstie murderers, (for they deserve no better title,) before their coloonies in these parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus armed with their owns weapons, by these evill instruments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie.But I have forgott my selfe, and have been to longs in this digression; but now to returns. This Morton having thus taught them the use’of peetes, he could them all he could spare; and he and his consorts detirmined to send for many out of England, and had by some of the ships sente for above a score. The which being knowne, and his neigbours meeting the Indeans in the woods armed with guns in this sorts, it was a terrour unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no strengtt in any place. And other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertains any, how vile soever, and all the scume of the countrie, or any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives and goods (in short time) from this wicked and debostetrue, then from the salvages them selves.415.

So sundrie of the cheefe of the stragling plantations, meeting togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite those of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then them all) to joyne with them, to prevente the further grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton and his consortes before they grewe to further head and strength. Those that joyned in this aection (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Vinisimett, Weesagascusett, Natasco, and other places whey any English were seated. Those of Plimoth being thus sought too by their messengers and letters, and waying both their reasons, and the commone danger, were willing to afford them their help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurte. So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly and neigborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, and sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and asked who had to doe with him; he had and would trade peetes with the Indeans in dispite of all, with many other scurillous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second time, and bad him be better advised, and more temperate in his termes, for the countrie could not beare the injure he did; it was against their comone saftie, and against the king’s proclamation. He answerd in high terms as before, and that the kings proclaimation was no law;demanding what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more then he could bear, his majesties displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said the king was dead and his displeasure with him, and many the like things; and threatened withall that if any came to molest him, let them looke to them selves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him by force; and having so farr proceeded, now to give over would make him farr more hautie and insolente. So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Govr of Plimoth to send Captaine Standish, and some other aide with him, to take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stifly in his defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set diverse dishes of powder and bullets ready on the table; and if they had not been over armed with drinke, more hurt might have been done. They sommaned him to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but stofes and scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would doe some violence to the house, he and some of his true came out, but not to yeeld, but to shoote; but they were so steeld with drinke as their peetes were to heavie for them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged and allmost halfe fild with powder and shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, and put by his peece, and tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done to any of either side, save that one was so drunke that he rane his owne nose upon the pointe of a sword that one held before him as he entred the house; but he lost but a litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went from the Ile of Shols for England, with which he was sente to the Counsell of NewEngland; and letters writen to give them information of his course and cariage; and also one was sent at their commone charge to informe their Hora more perticulerly, and to prosecute against him. But he foold of the messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he wente for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for ought was heard; but returned the nexte year. Some of the worst of the company were disperst, and some of the more modest kepte the house till he should be heard from. But I have been too long aboute so unworthy a person, and bad a cause.416.

This year Mr. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a minister to the people hear, wheather upon his owne head, or at the motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, but it was without the churches sending; for they had bene so bitten by Mr. Lyford, as they desired to know the person well whom they should invite amongst them. His name was Mr. Rogers; but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in his braine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him back againe the nexte year, and loose all the charge that was expended in his hither bringing, which was not smalle by Mr. Allerton’s accounte, in provissions, aparell, bedding, etc. After his returne he grue quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton was much blamed that he would bring such a man over, they having charge enough otherwise.417.

Mr. Allerton, in the years before, had brought over some small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould them for his owne private benefite; which was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he had other wise done them good service, and also he sould them among the people at the plantation, by which their wants were supplied, and he aledged it was the love of Mr. Sherley and some other freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, conceiveing it might doe him some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but past over. But this year he brought over a greater quantitie, and they were so intermixte with the goods of the generall, as they knew not which were theirs, and which was his, being pact up together; so as they well saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid the whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. Allso what was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his; and he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine places, which, considering their commone course, they began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for England; considering how well he had done the former bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of the former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was conceived in a maner, the same charge would serve to inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane the former the last year would be the fittest to effecte this; so they gave him instructions and sente him for England this year againe. And in his instructions bound him to bring over no goods on their accounte, but 50li. in hose and shoes, and some linen cloth, (as they were bound by covenante when they tooke the trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and in no case to exseed his instructions, nor runne them into any further charge; he well knowing how their state stood. Also that he should so provide that their trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their accounte should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to give him such instructions as they saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And thus they conceived they had well provided for all things. 418.

Anno Dom: 1629.
MR. ALLERTON safly arriving in England, and delivering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them with his instructions, found good acceptation with them, and they were very forward and willing to joyne with them in the partnership of trade, and in the charge to send over the Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out of Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent away before Mr. Allerton could be ready to come. They had passage with the ships that came to Salem, that brought over many godly persons to begine the plantations and churches of Christ ther, and in the Bay of Massachussets; so their long stay and keeping back was recompensed by the Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, in that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be cutt of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds and Christian breethren, as the begining of a larger harvest unto the Lord, in the increase of his churches and people in these parts, to the admiration of many, and allmost wonder of the world; that of so small beginings so great things should insue, as time after manifested; and that here should be a resting place for so many of the Lords people, when so sharp a scourge came upon their owne nation. But it was the Lords doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes. 419.

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings.420.

A letter of Mr. Sherleys to the Govr.
May 25, 1629.
Sr: etc.

Here are now many of your and our freinds from Leyden coming over, who, though for the most parte be but a weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and which bath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But God hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in the ship called the Talbut, that wente hence latly; but these come in the May-flower. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherly,z are, with your love and liking, joyned partners with you, etc. Your deputation we have received, and the goods have been taken up and sould by your freind and agente, Mr. Allerton, my selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam and other parts in the Low-Countries. I see further the agreemente you have made with the generallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for them and you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. Mr. Beachamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and my selfe, doe so like and approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, the best that possiblie we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should accomplish the end you first aimed at, and some others indevored these years past. We know it must keep us from the profite, which otherwise by the blessing of God and your indeaours, might be gained; for most of those that came in May, and these now sente, though I hope honest and good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to you and us; at which it is lickly, had not this wise and discreete course been taken, many of your generafitie would have grudged. Againe, you say well in your letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on whom the burthen must be, you will both menage it the beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no discontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your honest labours and indeavors. And therfore in all respects I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, and advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente; I mean that are reasonable and honest men, such as make conscience of giving the best satisfaction they be able for their debts, and that regard not their owne perticuler so much as the accomplishing of that good end for which this bussines was first intended, etc. Thus desiring the Lord to blew and prosper you, and all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest 421.

Your unfained and ever loving freind,

Lon: March 8. 1629
That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. companies that came from Leyden in this place; though they came at 2. severall times, yet they both came out of England this year. The former company, being 35. persons, were shiped in May, and arived here aboute August. The later were shiped in the begining of March, and arived hear the later end of May, 1630. Mr. Sherleys 2. letters, the effect wherof I have before related, (as much of them as is pertinente,) mentions both. Their charge, as Mr. Allerton brought it in afterwards on accounte, came to above 550li. besids ther fetching hither from Salem and the Bay, wher they and their goods were landed; viz. their transportation from Holland to England, and their charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing provided for them. For I find by accounte for the one company, 125. yeards of karsey,127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66. pr, with many other perticulers. The charge of the other company is reckoned on the severall families, some 50li., some 40li., some 30li., and so more or less, as their number and expencess were. And besids all this charg, their freinds and bretheren here were to provid come and other provissions for them, till they could reap a crope which was long before. Those that came in May were thus maintained upward of 16. or 18. months, before they had any harvest of their owne, and the other by proportion. And all they could doe in the mean time was to gett them some housing, and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the season. And this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle less then the former sume. These things I note more perticulerly, for sundry regards. First, to chew a rare example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care in performing their promises and covenants to their bretheren, too, and in a sorte beyonde their power; that they should venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheerfully; for they never demanded, much less had, any repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 2ly. It must needs be that ther was more then of man in these acheevements, that should thus readily stire up the harts of shuck able frinds to joyne in partnership with them in shuck a case, and cleave so faithfullie to them as these did, in so great adventures; and the more because the most of them never saw their faces to this day; ther being neither kindred, aliance, or other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them, then hath been before mentioned; it must needs be therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God. 3ly. That these poore people here in a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the unfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which they sustained, which will be made manifest, if the Lord be pleased to give life and time. In the mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo.422.

The Leyden people being thus come over, and sundry of the generalitie seeing and hearing how great the charg was like to be that was that way to be expended, they begane to murmure and repin eat it, notwithstanding the burden lay on other mens shoulders; espetially at the paying of the 3. bushells of come a year, according to the former agreemente, when the trad was lett for the 6. years aforesaid. But to give them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that if they could doe it in the time without it, they would never demand it of them; which gave them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare by the sequell.423.

Concerning Mr. Allertons proceedings about the inlarging and confirming of their patent, both that at home and Kenebeck, will best appere by another leter of Mr. Sherleys; for though much time and money was expended aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this year, and came without it. See Mr. Sherleys letter. 424.

Most worthy and loving freinds, etc.

Some of your leters I received in July, and some since by Mr. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, the patent, was granted,I could not setle my mind nor pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a thousand pounds; but the Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained the love and favore of great men in repute and place. He got granted from the Earle of Warwick and Sr. Ferdinando Gorge all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, and more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he sued to the king to confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation, and so to inable you to make and execute lawes, in such large and ample maner as the Massachusett plantation hath it; which the king graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to the solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presidente for it? So the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and allso the solissiter; but as Festus said to Paule, With no small sume of money obtained I this freedom; for by the way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with the silver, ney, the golden key. Then it was to come to the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing the custume for a certaine time; but he would not doe it, but refferd it to the Counsell table. And ther Mr. Allerton at. tended day by day, when they sate, but could not gett his petition read. And by reason of Mr. Peirce his staying with all the passengers at Bristoll, he was foret to leave the further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther is no fear nor double but it will be granted, for he hath the cheefe of them to freind; yet it will be marvelously needfull for him to returne by the first ship that comes from thence; for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate, and might bear such sway and goverment as were fitt for your ranke and place that God hath called you unto; and stope the moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, that are ready to question and threaten you in every action you doe. And besids, if you have the custome free for 7. years inward, and 21. outward, the charge of the patent will be scone recovered, and ther is no fear of obtainingit. But such things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they would; werefore we (I write in behalf e of all our partners here) desire you to be ernest with Mr. Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this great and waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much for your good, and I hope for your posteritie, and for many generations to come.425.

Thus much of this letter. It was dated the 19. March, 1629.426.

By which it appears what progress was made herein, and` in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, and some reason of the same; but in truth (as was afterwards appehended the meaine reason was Mr. Allerton’s policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent over againe, for other regards; and for that end procured them thus to write. For it might then well enough have been finshed, if not with that clause aboute the custumes, which was Mr. Allertons and Mr. Sherleys device, and not at all thought on by the colony here, nor much regarded, yet it might have been done without it, without all queston, having passed the kings hand; nay it was conceived it might then have beene done with it, if he had pleased; but covetousnes never brings ought home, as the proverb is, for this oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great deale of money veainly and lavishly cast away aboute it, as doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in its place.427.

Mr. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this (which I had omitedand almost forgotten), in bringing over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was sent home but the year before for his misdemenors. He not only brought him over, but to the towne (as it were to nose them), and lodged him at his owne house, and for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussines, till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to his old nest in the Massachusets, wher it was not long but by his miscariage he gave them just occation to lay hands on him; and he was by them againe sent prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in Exeter Jeole. For besids his miscariage here, he was vemently suspected for the murder of a man that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first into New-England. And a warrente was sente from the LordCheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he was by the Govr of the Massachusets sent into England; and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for shuch unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe, and write an infamouse and scurillous bookeagainst many godly and cheefe men of the cuntrie; full of lyes and slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies against their names and persons, and the ways of God. After sundry years, when the warrs were hott in England, he came againe into the cuntrie, and was imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old in wickednes.428.

Concerning the rest of Mr. Allertons instructions, in which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above that 50li. in the goods before mentioned, not to bring any but trading commodities, he followed them not at all, but did the quite contrarie; bringing over many other sorts of retaile goods, selling what he could by the way on his owne accounte, and delivering the rest, which he said to be theirs, into the store; and for trading goods brought but litle in comparison; excusing the matter, they had laid out much about the Laiden and patent, etc. And for other goods, they had much of ther owns dealings, without present disbursements, like effect. And as for passing his bounds and inst he laid it on Mr. Sherley, etc., who, he said, they might mind in his leters; also that they had sett out Ashley a charg; but next year they should have what trading they would send for, if things were now well setled, etc.` q, thus were they put off; indeed Mr. Sherley write things i this way, but it is like he was overruled by Mr. Allllertona harkened more to him then to their letters from hence. 429.

Thus he further writs in the former leter.430.

I see what you write in your leters concerning the overcomm paying of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need be looked unto; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, may soone over them; but we must follow it roundly and to purposs, for if we pedl the time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But we know you have that aquaintance and experience in the countrie, as none; the like; wherfore, freinds and partners, be no way discouraged wi greatues of the debt, etc., but let us not fulfill the proverbe, to bestowon a purse, and put 6d. in it; but as you and we have been at great and undergone much for setling you ther, and to gaine experience, God shall enable us, let us make use of it. And think not with 50li. a yeare sent you over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see a possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished; ~, cheefiy if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly and wise men, as have lerned to bear one an others infirmities, and rejoyce at any prosperities; and if I were able I would press this more, because hoped by some of your enimies, that you will fall out one with and so over throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, I have heard it reported, that some have said, that till you be disjoynted by disco and fractionsamongst your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in of getting or doing good in those parts. But we hope beter things of, and that you will not only bear one with another, but banish such tho and not suffer them to lodg in your brests. God grant you may dial pointe the hopes of your foes, and procure the hartie desire of your eeland freinds in this perticuler. 431.

By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance betweene Mr. Allerton and them in these things, and that they gave more regard to his way and course in these things, then to the advise from hence; which made him bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on in the course he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as will appear. These things did much trouble them hear, but they well knew not how to help it, being loath to make any breach or contention hear aboute; being so premonished as before in the leter above recited. An other more secrete cause was herewith concur rente; Mr. Allerton had maried the daughter of their Reverend Elder, Mr. Brewster(a man beloved and honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines in teaching and dispenceing the word of God unto them), whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, so as they bore with much in that respects. And with all Mr. Allerton carried so faire with him, and procured such leters from Mr. Sherley to him, with shuch applause of Mr. Allertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, in the bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte to send aboute them as he; and if any should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie, or some other sinister respects then other wise. Beside, though private gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause to lead Mr. Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he intended to deale faithfully with them in the maine, and had such an opinion of his owns abillitie, and some experience of the benefite that he had made in this singuler way, as he conceived he might both raise him selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in such profite to Mr. Sherley, (and it may be the rest,) as might be as lickly to bring in their moneys againe with advantage, and it may be sooner then from the generall way; or at least it was looked upon by some of them to be a good help ther unto; and that neither he nor any other did intend to charge the generall accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or that Mr. Sherley or any other did purposs but that the generall should be first and fully supplyed. I say charitie makes me thus conceive; though things fell out other wise, and they missed of their aimes, and the generall suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear.432.

Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines contrived by Mr. Allerton and them ther, without any knowledg of the partners, and so farr proceeded in as they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in the same, though they had no great liking of it, but feared what might be the evente of the same. I shall relate it in a further part of Mr. Sherley’s leter as foloweth.433.

I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joyne with one Edward Ashley (a man I thinke that some of you know); but it is only of that place wherof he hath a patente in Mr. Beachamps name;and to that end have furnished him with larg provissions, etc. Now if you please to be partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after we heard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his owne kindrid) have been to stock and supply him, hoping of profite, we thought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of running plantation, then others who have not borne the burthen of setling a plantation, as we have done. And he, on the other side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to joyne with those that had means by a plantation to supply and back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only after profite. Now it is not knowne that you are partners with him; but only we 4., Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, my selfe, and Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have the patente, in consideration of our great loss we have allready sustained in setling the first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather to take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if you please to joyne with us, we are willing you should. Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing to doe any thing therin without your consente and approbation. Mr. William Peirce is joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please; and he will bend his course accordingly. He hath a new boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5. lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fearing the charge and doubting the success, yet thus much we intreate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men, commodities, or boats; yet not but that we will pay you for any thing be hath. And we desire you to keep the accounts apart, though you joyne with us; besase ther is, as you see, other partners in this then the other; so, for all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall have of him, make the plantation or your selves debtore for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of the accounts.434.

And now, loving freinds and partners, if you joyne in Ashles patent and bussines, though w e have laid out the money and taken up much to stock this bussines and the other, yet I thinke it conscionable and reasonable that you should beare your shares and proportion of the stock, if not by present money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come too; for it is not barly the interest that is to be alowed and considered of, but allso the adventure; though I hope in God, by his blessing and your honest indeavors, it may soon be payed; yet the years that this partnership holds is not long, nor many; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make the best use of the time that possiblie we cann, and let every man put too his shoulder, and the burthen will be the lighter. I know you are so honest and conscionable men, as you will consider hereof, and returne shush an answer as may give good satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have done, were it not to strengthen and setle you more then our owne perticuler profite.435.

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying the debte for the purchas. I know some will not abate the interest, and therfore let it rune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant that our loves and affections may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest your ever loving friends, 436.

Bristoll, March 19. 1629.
This mater of the buying the debts of the purchass was parte of Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many of them it might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as some were) ; but Mr. Sherley had no mind to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them; for though he had wite and abillitie enough to menage the bussines, yet some of them knew him to be a very profane yonge man; and he had for some time lived amonge the Indeans as a savage, and wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in which time he got their language), so they feared he might still rune into evill courses (though he promised better), and God would not prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed at the place intended, caled Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place,, he write (and afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with Wampampeake, come against winter, and other things. They considered these were of their cheefe commodities, and would be continually needed by him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not joyne with him in the ordering of things, if thus they should supply him; and on the other hand, if they refused to joyne with him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should greatly offend their above named friends, and might hapily lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Allerton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies of these things els wher; besids, they considered that if they joyned not in the bussines, they knew Mr. Allerton would be with them in it, and so would swime, as it were, betweene both, to the prejudice of boath, but of them selves espetially. For they had reason to thinke this bussines was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte for his turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to joyne in the bussines, and gave him supplies in what they could, and overlooked his proceedings as well as they could; the which they did the better, by joyning an honest yonge manthat came from Leyden, with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one whom they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. And so they returned their answer to their freinds in England, that they accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet withall tould them what their fears were concerning him.437.

But when they came to have full notice of all the goods brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of trading goods, and Ashley farr better suppleyed then themselves; so as they were forced to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, and cottens and carseys and other such like cloath (for want of trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton himselfe, and so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes; which was to their great vexation; but Mr. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and the nexte yere they might have what they would write for. And their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when they came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. years after); and that which made them the more, Mr. Allerton had taken up some large summes at Bristoll at 50. pr cent. againe, which he excused, that he was forcee to it, because other wise he could at the spring of year get no goods transported, such were their envie against their trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, some of them doubted; but however, the burden did lye on their backs, and they must bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in the end.438.

This paying of 50. pr cent. and dificulty of having their goods transported by the fishing ships at the first of the year, (as was beleeved,) which was the cheefe season for trade, put them upon another projecte. Mr. Allerton, after the fishing season was over, light of a bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought it; which came to aboute 113li.; and shortly after he might have had 30li. cleare profite for it, without any more trouble aboute it. But Mr. Winslow coming that way from Kenebeck, and some other of ther partners with him in the barke, they mett with Mr. Allerton, and falling into discourse with him, they stayed him from selling the salte; and resolved, if it might please the rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship in the west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on shares, according to the coustome; and seeing she might have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte and fitted wher the salt lay safely landed and housed. In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods, as bread, pease, cloth, etc., and so they might have a full supply of goods without paing fraight, and in due season, which might turne greatly to their advantage. Coming home, this was propounded, and considered on, and aproved by all but the Gov’, who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway lost by fishing; but the rest were so ernest, as thinkeing that they might gaine well by the fishing in this way; and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing by it, the other benefite would be advantage inough; so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was referd to their freinds in England to aloes, or disalow it. Of which more in its place. 439.

Upon the consideration of the bussines about the paten, and in what state it was left, as is before remembred, and Mr. Sherleys ernest pressing to have Mr. Allerton to come over againe to finish it, and perfect the accounts, etc., it was concluded to send him over this year againe; though it was with some fear and jeolocie; yet he gave them fair words and promises of well performing all their bussineses according to their directions, and to mend his former errors. So he was accordingly sent with full instructions for all things, with large letters to Mr. Sherley and the rest, both aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply with trading comodities, and how much it did concerne them to be furnished therwith, and what they had suffered for wante therof; and of what litle use other goods were in comparison therof ; and so likewise aboute this fishing ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, which might both supply them and Ashley, and the benefite therof ; which was left to their consideration to hire and set her out, or not; but in no case not to send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with trading goods. But what these things came too will appere in the next years passages.440.

I had like to have omited an other passage that fell out the begining of this year. Ther was one Mr. Ralfe Smith,and his wife and familie, that came over into the Bay of the Massachusets, and sojourned at presente with some stragling people that lived at Natascoe; here being a boat of this place putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly desired that they would give him and his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as they could well carrie; having before heard that ther was liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or els-wher as God should disposs; for he was werfe of being in that uncoth place, and in a poore house that would neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, and understood he had been a minister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly kindly entertained and housed, and had the rest of his goods and servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was chosen into the ministrie, and so remained for sundrie years.441.

It was before noted that sundry of those that came from Leyden, came over in the ships that came to Salem, wher Mr. Endecott had cheefe command; and by infection that grue amonge the passengers at sea, it spread also among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of the scurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued some time amongst them (though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped it). Upon which occasion he write hither for some help, understanding here was one that had some skill that way, and had cured diverse of the scurvie, and others of other diseases, by letting blood, and other means. Upon which his request the Govr hear sent him unto them, and also write to him, from whom he received an answere; the which, because it is bfeefe, and shows the begining of their aquaintance, and closing in the truth and ways of God, I thought it not unmeete, nor without use, hear to inserte it; and an other showing the begining of their fellowship and church estate ther. Being as followeth. 442.

Right worthy Sr:
It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one mr and of the same houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods people are all marked with one and the same marke, and sealed with one and the same scale, and have for the maine, one and the same harte, guided by one and same spirite of truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here must needs be sweete harmonie. And the same request (with you) I make unto the Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a heavenly and unfained love; bending all our harts and forces in furthering a worke beyond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening our eyse allways on him that only is able to directe and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fulleramong us, and rejoyce much that I am by him satisfied touching your judgments of the outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as farm as I can yet gather, no other then is warrented by the evidence of truth, and the same which I have proffessed and maintained ever since the Lord in m6rcie revealed him selfe unto me; being farr from the commone reporte that hath been spread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods children must not looke for less here below, and it is the great mercie of God, that he strengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede at this time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. In the mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, commiting you to the Lords blessed protection, and rest, Your assured loving friend, 443.

Naumkeak, May 11. Ano. 1629.
This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their church affaires at Salem, which was the 2. church erected in these parts; and afterwards the Lord established many more in sundrie places.444.

Sr: I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to certifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you heard from us. How, notwithstanding all opposition that hath been hear, and els wher, it hath pleased God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word in every thing. The 20. of July, it pleased the Lord to move the hart of our Gov` to set it aparte for a solemne day of humilliation for the choyce of a pastor and teacher. The former parte of the day being spente in praier and teaching, the later parte aboute the election, which was after this maner.’ The persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) were demanded concerning their callings; they acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward calling, when the Lord moved the harte of a man to take that calling upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for the same; the second was an outward calling, which was from the people, when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in covenante, to walke togither in all the ways of God, and every member (being men) are to have a free voyce in the choyce of their officers, etc. Now, we being perswaded that these 2. men were so quallified, ;;the apostle speaks to Timothy, wher he saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to teach, etc.; I thinke I may say, as the eunuch said unto Philip, What should let from being baptised, seeing ther was water? and he beleeved. So these 2. servants of God, clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,) we saw noe reason but we might freely give our voyces for their election, after this triall. So Mr. Skelton was chosen pastor, and Mr. Higgison to be teacher; and they accepting the choyce, Mr. Higgison, with 3. or 4. of the gravest members of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayer therwith. This being done, ther was imposission of hands on Mr. Higgison also. And since that time, Thursday (being, as I take it, the 6. of August) is appoynted for another day of humilliation, for the choyce of elders and deacons, and ordaining of them.445.

And now, good Sr, I hope that you and the rest of Gods people (who are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed servants of the Lord came in at the dore, and not at the window. Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these few lines, desiring you to remember us, etc. And so rest,446.

At your service in what I may

Salem, July 30. 1629.
Anno Dom: 1630.
ASHLEY, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay for the goods he had had of the plantation hear, but lett them stand still on the score, and tooke up still more. Now though they well enough knew his aime, yet they let him goe on, and write of it into England. But partly the beaver they received, and sould, (of which they weer sencible,) and partly by Mr. Allertons extolling of him, they cast more how to supplie him then the plantation, and something to upbraid them with it. They were forct to buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her with a id and men, to transporte his come and provissions (of which he put of much); for the Indeans of those parts have no corne growing,. and at harvest, after corne is, ready, the weather grows foule, and the seas dangerous, so as he could doe litle good with his shallope for that purposs.447.

They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been at charg to keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor any supply heard of for them. At length they heard sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at which they something marvelled, and the more that they had no letters either from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley; so they went on in their bussines as well as they could. At last they heard of Mr. Peirce his arivall in the Bay of the Massachusetts, who brought passengers and goods thither. They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they should have some thing by him. But he tould them he had none; and a ship was sett out on fishing, but after 11. weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch foull weather as she was forcte back againe for England, and, the season being over, gave off the vioage. Neither did he heax of much goods in her for the plantation, or that she did belong to them, for he had heard some thing from Mr. Allerton tending that way. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, and was to come in her, and was to fish for bass to the eastward, and to bring goods, etc. These things did much trouble them, and half astonish them. Mr. Wmslow haveing been to the eastward, brought nuese of the like things, with some more perticulers, and that it was like Mr. Allerton would be late before he came. At length they, having an oppertunitie, resolved to send Mr. Winslow, with what beaver they had ready, into England, to see how the squaxs wente, being very jeolouse of these things, and Mr. Allertons courses; and writ shuch leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as they thought meet; and if he found things not well, to discharge Mr. Allerton for being any longer agent for them, or to deal any more in the bussines, and to see how the accounts stood, etc.448.

Aboute the midle of sommer arrives Mr. Flatherley in the Bay of the Massachusetts, (being one of the partners,) and came over in the same ship that was set out on fhishing (called the Frendship). They presently sent to him, making no question but now they had goods come, and should know how all things stood. But they found the former news true, how this ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled her provissions, and overthrowne the viage. And he being sent over by the rest of the partners, to see how things wente hear, being at Bristoll with Mr. Allerton, in the shipe bought (called the White-Angell), ready to set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastablet to Mr. Allerton, and tould him of the returne of the ship, and what had befallen. And he not knowing what to doe, having a great charge under hand, the ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle, got him to goe and discbarg the ship, and take order for the goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (Mr. A?llerton not being they,) not knowing how to dispose of the goods till he came; but he heard he was arived with the other ship to the eastward, and expected his coming. But he tould them ther was not much for them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2. hoggsheads of meatheglin,drawne out in wooden flackets (but when these flackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons of the 2. hogsheads, it being drunke up under the name leackage, and so lost). But the ship was filled with goods for sundrie gentlemen, and others, that were come to plant in the Massachusets, for which they payed fraight by the tun. And this was all the satisfaction they could have at presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods and returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure; which made them much to marvell therat. The letter was as followeth.449.

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, etc.
Breefly thus: wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and a trading ship, which later we have bought; and so have disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will appeare by the accounts. And because this ship (called the White Angelo is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing for bass, and trading; and that while Mr. Allerton was imployed aboute the trading, the fishing might suffer by carlesnes or neglette of the sailors, we have entreated your and our loving friend, Mr. Hatherley, to goe over with him, knowing he will be a comforte to Mr. Allerton, a joye to you, to all a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to the bussines; and so great contente to us, that if it should please God the one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet the other would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you withall, etc. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a peece, we looked not much aftei it, but left it to you, and your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks and comendations, both of you and us, for his pains, etc.); but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece, some of us, etc.; which maks us both write, and send over our friend, Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we doubte not of. The main end of sending him is to see the state and accounte of all the bussines, of all which we pray you informe him fully, though the ship and bussines wayte for it and him. For we should take it very unkindly that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that, when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could not give us contente and satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of any of you. But we hope you will so order bussines, as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, etc. I will not promise, but shall indeaour and hope to effecte the full desire and grant of your patente, and that ere it be longe. I would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have not write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you all kindly saluted in the Lord, so I rest, Yours in what I may, 450.

JAMES SHAY. March 25. 451.


It needs not be thought strange, that these things should amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing ship should be set out, and fraight with other mens goods, and scarce any of theirs; seeing their maine end was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full supply, and their speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done. And now a ship to come on their accounte, clean contrary to their both end and order, was a misterie they’could not understand; and so much the worse, seeing she had shuch ill success as to lose both her vioage and provisions. The 2. thing, that another ship should be bought and sente out on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken of by any here, either by word or letter, neither could they imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on it, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly turne to loss. And for Mr. Allerton to follow any trade for them, it was never in their thoughts. And 3ly, that their friends should complaine of disbursements, and yet rune into such great things, and charge of shiping and new projects of their owne heads, not only without, but against, all order and advice, was to them very strang. And 4ly, that all these matters of so great charg and imployments should be thus wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew not what to make of it. But amids all their doubts they must have patience till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley should come. In the mean time Mr. Winslow was gone for England; and others of them were forst to folow their imployments with the best means they had, till they could hear of better.453.

At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came unto them, (after they had delivered their goods,) and finding them strucken with some sadnes aboute these things, Mr. Allerton tould them that the ship Whit-Angele did not belong to them, nor their accounte, neither neede they have any thing to doe with her, excepte they would. And Mr. Hatherley confirmed the same, and said that they would have had him to have had a parte, but he refused; but he made question whether they would not turne her upon the generall accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was like), seeing Mr. Allerton laid downe this course, and put them on this projecte. But for the fishing ship, he tould them they need not be so much troubled, for he had her accounts here, and showed them that her first seting out came not much to exceed 600li. as they might see by the accounte, which he showed them; and for this later viage, it would arrise to profite by the fraight of the goods, and the salle of some katle which he shiped and had allready sould, and was to be paid for partly here and partly by bills into England, so as they should not have this put on their accunte at all, except they would. And for the former, he had sould so much goods out of her in England, and imployed the money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods and implements as Mr. Allerton must need aboute his fishing, would rise to a good parte of the money; for he must have the sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, etc. ; all which would rise to nere 400li.; so, with the bearing of their parts of the rest of the loses (which would not be much above 200li.), they would clear them of this whole accounte. Of which motion they were glad, not being willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but aboute their trade, which made them willing to harken therunto, and demand of Mr. Hatherly how he could make this good, if they should agree their unto, he tould them he was sent over as their agente, and had this order from them, that whatsoever he and Mr. Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but they would not alow of what Mr. Allerton did alone, except they liked it; but if he did it alone, they would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him and Mr. Allerton all the rest of the goods, and gave them present possession of them; and a writing was made, and confirmed under both Air. Hatherleys and Mr. Allertons hands, to the effecte afforesaide. And Mr. Allertone, being best aquainted with the people sould away presenly all shuch goods as he had no need of for the fishing, as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and the for them being all new, with sundry such usefull goods, for ready beaver, by Mr. Hatherleys allowance. And thus they thought ii I they had well provided for them selvs. Yet they rebuked Mr. Allerton very much for runing into these courses, fearing the success of them. Mr. Allerton and Air. Hatherley brought to the towne with them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great quantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as linen cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, etc., and tould them they were to have them, if they would; but they tould Mr. Allerton that they had forbid him before for bringing any such on their accounte; it would hinder their trade and returnes. But he and Mr. Hatherley said, if they would not have them, they would sell them, them selves, and take corne for what they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they might, if they had order for it. The goods of one some and other came to upward of 500li. 454.

After these things, Mr. Allerton wente to the ship aboute his bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, (according to his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood at the plantation, (of all which they informed him fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and visite the trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley at Penobscote; for so they in England had injoyned him. They accordingly furnished him with a boate and men for the viage, and aquainted him plainly and thorowly with all things; by which he had good contente and satisfaction, and saw plainly that Mr. Allerton plaid his owne game, and rane a course not only to the great wrong and detrimente of the plantation, who imployed and trusted him, but abused them in England also, in possessing them with prejudice against the plantation; as that they would never be able to repaye their moneys (in regard of their great charge), but if they would follow his advice and projects, he and Ashley (being well supplyed) would quickly bring in their moneys with good advantage. Mr. Hatherley disclosed also a further projecte aboute the setting out of this ship, the White-angel; how, she being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to have made a great fight at sea (when she belonged to Bristoll) and caried away the victory, they had agreed (by Mr. Allerton’s means) that, after she had brought a fraight of goods here into the countrie, and fraight her selfe with fish, she should goe from hence to Port of porte,and ther be sould, both ship, goods, and ordnnance; and had, for this end, had speech with a factore of those parts, beforehand, to whom she should have been consigned. But this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,) partly by the contrary advice given by their freinds hear to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley, showing how it might insnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) if it should come to be knowne; and for the plantation, they did and would disalow it, and protest against it; and partly by their bad viage, for they both came too late to doe any good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked and drunken company as neither Mr. Allerton nor any els could rule; as Mr. Hatherley, to his great greefe and shame, saw, and beheld, and all others that came nere them.455.

Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before Mr. Hatherley returned,) for trading powder and shote with the Indeans; and was ceased upon by some in authoritie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand weight of beaver; but the goods were freed, for the Govhere made it appere, by a bond under Ashleys hand, wherin he was bound to them in 500li. not to trade any munition with the Indeans, or other wise to abuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him that he had commited uncleannes with Indean women, (things that they feared at his first imployment, which made them take this strict course with him in the begining); so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed, but he was sent home prisoner. And that I may make an end concerning him, after some time of imprisonmente in the Fleet, by the means of friends he was set at liberty, and intended to come over aganne, but the Lord prevented it; for he had a motion made to him, by some marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had such good skill in the beaver trade, the which he accepted of, and in his returne home was cast away at sea; this was his end.456.

Mr. Hatherley, fully understanding the state of all things, had good satisfaction, and could well informe them how all things stood betweene Mr. Allerton and the plantation. Yea, he found that Mr. Allerton had gott within him, and got all the goods into his owne hands, for which Mr. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute the ship-Freindship, as also most of the fraigte money, besids some of his owne perticuler estate; about which more will appear here after. So he returned into England, and they sente a good quantity of beaver with him to the rest of the partners; so both he and it was very wellcome unto them.457.

Mr. Allerton followed his affaires, and returned with his White Angell, being no more imployed by the plantation; but these bussinesses were not ended till many years after, nor well understood of a longe time, but foulded up in obscuritie, and kepte in the clouds, to the great loss and vexation of the plantation, who in the end were (for peace sake) forced to bear the unjust burthen of them, to their allmost undoing, as will appear, if God give life to finish this history.458.

They sent their letters also by Mr. Hatherley to the partners ther, to show them how Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton had discharged them of the Friendship accounte, and that they boath affirmed that theWhite-Angell did not at all belong to them; and therfore desired that their accounte might not be charged therwith. Also they write to Mr. Winslow, their agente, that he in like maner should (in their names) protest against it, if any such thing should be intended, for they would never yeeld to the same. As allso to signifie to them that they renounsed Mr. Allerton wholy, for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe in any of their bussines.459.

This year John Billinton the elder (one that came over with the first) was arrained, and both by grand and petie jurie found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine and notorious evidence. And was for the same accordingly executed. This, as it was the first execution amongst them, so was it a mater of great sadnes unto them. They used all due means about his triall, and tooke the advice of Mr. Winthrop and other the ablest gentle-men in the Bay of the Massachusets, that were then new-ly come over, who concured with them that he ought to dye, and the land to be purged from blood. He and some of his had been often punished for miscariags before, being one of the profanest families amongst them. They came from London, and I know not by what freinds shufled into their company. His fatte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin, (about a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune, wherof he dyed.460.

Having by a providence a letter or to that came to my bands concerning the proceedings of their Red: freinds in the Bay of the Massachusets, who were latly come over, I thought it not amise here to inserte them, (so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefull for after times,) before I conclude this year.461.

Sr: Being at Salem the 25. of July, being the saboath, after the evening exercise, Mr. Johnson received a letter from the God, Mr. John Winthrop, manifesting the hand of God to be upon them, and against them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sicknes, and taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing the righteous, but partaking with the wicked in these bodily judgments. It was therfore by his desire taken into the Godly consideration of the best hear, what was to be done to pacifie the Lords_ wrath, etc. Wher it was concluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and to that end, the 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, is set aparte, that they may humble them selves before God, and seeke him in his ordenances; and that then also such godly persons that are amongst them, and known each to other, may publickly, at the end of their exercise, make known their Godly desire, and practise the same, viz. solemnly to enter into covenante with the Lord to walke in his ways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward estats, as to live in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst them, ther to observe the day, and become 3. distincte bodys; not then intending rashly to proceed to the choyce of officers, or the admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to witte, such as are well knowne unto them; promising after to receive in such by confession of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for the estate. They doe ernestly entreate that the church of Plimoth would set apparte the same day, for the same ends, beseeching the Lord, as to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so also to establish and direct them in his wayes. And though the time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly worke, seing the causes are so urgente; wherin God will be honoured, and they and we undoubtedly have sweete comforte. Be you all kindly saluted, etc.462.

Salem, July 26. 1630.463.

Your brethren in Christ, etc.464.

Sr: etc.
The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and many are dead; the Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are here entered into church covenante; the first were 4. namly, the Gov”, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Willson;since that 5. more are joyned unto them, and others, it is like, will adde them selves to them dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holines for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Cottington, (a Boston man,) who tould me, that Mr. Cottons charge at Hamton was, that they should take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them. Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and the good perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so ill as they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, and love to God and his saincts; the Lord make us more and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name, or els it will doe us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus blese us, and the whole Israll of God. Amen. 465.

Your loving brother, etc.

Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630.
Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been produced by his hand that made all things of nothing, and gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation; let the glorious name of Jehova have all the praise.466.

Anno Dom: 1631.
ASHLEY being thus by the hand of God taken away, and Mr. Allerton discharged of his imploymente for them, their bussines began againe to rune in one chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same, Penobscote being wholy now at their disposing. And though Mr. William Peirce had a parte ther as is before noted, yet now, as things stood, he was glad to have his money repayed him, and stand out. Mr. Winslow, whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply as soone as he could; and afterwards when he came, which was something longe by reason of bussines, he brought a large supply of suitable goods with him, by which ther trading was well carried on. But by no means either he, or the letters they write, could take off Mr. Sherley and the rest from putting both the Friendship and Whil-Angell on the genera,ll accounte; which caused continuall contention betweene them, as will more appeare.467.

I shall inserte a leter of Mr. Winslow’s about these thin, being as foloweth.468.

Sr: It fell out by Gods providence, that I received and brought your leters pr Mr. Allerton from Bristoll, to London; and doe much feare what will be the event of things. Mr. Allerton intended to prepare the ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and Mr. Andrews, they renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they would never have adventured one penie into those parts; Mr. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you write that he and Mr. Allerton have taken the Whit-Angell upon them, for their partners here, they professe they neiver gave any such order, nor will make it good; if them selves will cleare the accounte and doe it, all shall be well. What the evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by our diyissions. I hear (pr a freind) that I was much blamed for speaking wth [what] I heard in the spring of the year, concerning the buying and setting forth of that ship; sure, if I should not have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which report I offered now to prove at Bristoll), I should have been unworthy my imploymente. And concerning the commission so long since given to Mr. Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is come upon us; for Mr. Sherley and the rest have it, and will not deliver it, that being the ground of our agents credite to procure shuch great sumes. But I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting the former. I would I had a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope a good conscience shall make it comefortable, etc.469.

Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631.470.

The comission above said was given by them under their hand and seale, when Mr. Allerton was first imployed by them, and redemanded of him in the year 29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He tould them it was amongst his papers, but he would seeke it out and give it them before he wente. But he being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said he could not find it, but it was amongst his papers, which he must take with him, and he would send it by the boat from the eastward; but ther it could not be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea. But whether Mr. Sherley had it before or after, it is not certaine; but having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps it to this day. Wherfore, even amongst freinds, men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not lett things of this nature lye long unrecaled.471.

Some parts o f Mr. Sherley’s letters aboute these things, in which the truth is best manifested.
Sr: Yours I have received by our loving friends, Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long and dangerous passage with the ship Angell, are safely come to Bristoll. Mr. Hatherley is come up, but Mr. Allerton I have not yet seen. We thanke you, and are very glad you have disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and that he did not goe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly dislick of that course, as allso of the fishing that the Freindship should have performed; for we wished him to sell the salte, and were unwilling to have him undertake so much bussines, partly for the ill success we formerly had in those affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so much money. But he perswaded us this must be one way that must repay us, for the plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to my rememberance, he doubted you could not be able, with the trade ther, to maintaine your charge and pay us. And for this very cause he brought us on that bussines with Ed: Ashley, for he was a stranger to us, etc. For the fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and will be willing to bear our parts. What Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton have done, no doubt but them selves will make good; we gave them no order to make any composition, to seperate you and us in this or any other. And I thinke you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, and you by your letters desired. If he exceede your order, I hope you will not blame us, much less cast us of, when our moneys be layed out, etc. ‘But I fear neither you nor we have been well delte withall, for sure, as you write, halfe 4000li., nay, a quarter, in fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would have furnished you beter then you were. And yet for all this, and much more I might write, I dare not but tbinke him honest, and that his desire and intente was good; but the wisest may faile. Well, now that it hath pleased God to give us hope of meeting, double not but we will all indeavore to perfecte these accounts just and right, as soone as possibly we can. And I supposs you sente over Mr. Winslow, and we Mr. Hatherley, to certifie each other how the state of things stood. We have received some contente upon Mr. Hatherley’s returne, and I hope you will receive good contente upon Mr. Winslow’s returne. Now I should come to answer more perticulerly your letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of the White Angele on your accounte could not be more strang to you, then the buying of her was to us; for you gave him commissions that what he did you would stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, etc. For that I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing and trade; beleeve me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade, nor will side with any that doth, if I conceive it may wrong you; for I ever was against it, useing these words: They will eate up and destroy the generall.472.

Other things I omite as tedious, and not very pertenente. This was dated Novr. 19. 1631. In an other leter bearing date the 24. of this month, being an answer to the generall order, he hath these words. 473.

For the White Angell, against which you write so ernestly, and say. we thrust her upon you, contrary to the intente of the buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves, and doe us wrong. We will not take uppon us to devine what the thougts or intents of the buyer was, but what he spack we heard, and that we will affirme, and make good against any that oppose it; which is, that unles shee were bought, and shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be supplyed; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we could not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further, you were not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons which we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable refusall you will force us, and so hasten that fire which is a kindling too fast allready, etc.474.

Out o f another o f his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631.
We purpose to keep the Freinship; and the Whit Angell, for the last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping togeither they will rather produse profite then loss, and breed less confution in our accounts, and less disturbance in our affections. As for the White Angell, though we layed out the money, and tooke bills of sane in our owne names, yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of deviding from you in any thing this year, because we would not have the world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any breach betwixte Mr. Allerton and you, and he and us; and so disgrace him in his proceedings o[n] in his intended viage. We have now let him the ship at 30li. pr month, by charter-partie, and bound him in a bond of a 1000li. to performe covenants, and bring her to London (if God please). And what he brings in her for you, shall be marked with your marke, and bils of laden taken, and sent in Mr. Winslows letter, who is this day riding to Bristoll about it. So in this viage, we deale and are with him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books of accounts, one for the company, an other for Ashley’s bussines, and the third for the Whit-Angell and Freindship. The books, or coppies, we purpose to send you, for you may discover the errours in them better them we. We can make it appear how much money he hath had of us, and, you can charg him with all the beaver he hath had of you. The totall’, sume, as he hath put it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, andgiven to Mr. Vines and others, aboute 543li. ode money, and then by your books you will find whether you had such, and so much goods, as he chargeth you with all; and this is all that I can say at presente concerning these accounts. He thought to dispatch them in a few howers, but he and Straton and Fogge were above a month aboute them; but he could not stay till we had examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear he hath allready done, etc.475.

We blese God, who put both you and us in mind to send each to other, for verily had he rune on in that desperate and cbargable course one year more, we had not been able to suport him; nay, both he and we must have lyen in the ditch, and sunck under the burthen, etc. Had ther been an orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, assuredly (by the blessing of God) you had been the ablest plantation that, as we think, or know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, etc.476.

Thus farr of these letters of [Mr. Sherley’s.]477.

A few observations from the former letters, and then I shall set downe the simple truth of the things (thus in controversie betweene them), at least as fart as by any good evidence it could be made to appeare; and so laboure to be breefe in so tedious and intricate a bussines, which hunge in expostulation betweene them many years before the same was ended. That though ther will be often occasion to touch these things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to be large therin; doing it hear once for all.478.

First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley’s bussines, and the buying of this ship, and the courses framed ther upon, were first contrived and proposed by Mr. Allerton, as also that the pleaes and pretences which he made, of the inablitie of the plantation to repaye their moneys, etc., and the hops he gave them of doing it with profite, was more beleeved and rested on by them (at least some of them) then any thing the plantation did or said. 479.

2. It is like, though Mr. Allerton might thinke not to wrong the plantation in the maine, yet his owne gaine and private ends led him a side in these things; for it came to be knowne, and I have it in a letter under Mr. Sherley’s hand, that in the first 2. or 3. years of his imploymente, he had cleared up 400li. and put it into a brew-house of Mr. Colliers in London, at first under Mr. Sherley’s name, etc. ; besids what he might have other wise. Againe, Mr. Sherley and he had perticuler dealings in some things; for he bought up the beaver that seamen and other passengers brought over to Bristoll, and at other places, and charged the bills to London, which Mr. Sherley payed; and they got some time 50li. a peece in a bargen, as was made knowne by Mr. Hatherley and others, besids what might be other wise; which might make Mr. Sherley harken unto him in many things; and yet I beleeve, as he in his forementioned leter write, he never would side in any perticuler trade which he conceived would wrong the plantation, and eate up and destroy the generall.480.

3ly. It may be perceived that, seeing they had done so much for the plantation, both in former adventures and late disbursements, and allso that Mr. Allerton was the first occasioner of bringing them upon these new designes, which at first seemed faire and profitable unto them, and unto which they agreed; but now, seeing them to turne to loss, and decline to greater intanglments, they thought it more meete for the plantation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne much in other things allready, and so tooke advantage of such comission and power as Mr. Allerton had formerly had as their agente, to devolve these things upon them.481.

4ly. With pitie and compassion (touching Mr. Allerton) I may say with the apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim. 6. 9. They that will be rich fall into many temtations and snares, etc., and pearce them selves throw with many sorrows, etc.; for the love o f money is the roote o f all evill, v. 10. God give him to see the evil] in his failings, that he may find mercie by repentance for the wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore plantation in spetiall. They that doe such things doe not only bring them selves into snares, and sorrows, but many with them, (though in an other kind,) as lamentable experience shows; and is too manifest in this bussines.482.

Now about these ships and their setting forth, the truth, as farr as could be learned, is this. The motion aboute setting forth the fishing ship (caled the Frindship) came first from the plantation, and the reasons of it, as is before remembered; but wholy left to them selves to doe or not to doe, as they saw cause. But when it fell into consideration, and the designe was held to be profitable and hopefull, it was propounded by some of them, why might not they doe it of them selves, seeing they must disburse all the money, and what need they have any refferance to the plantation in that; they might take the profite them selves, towards other losses, and need not let the plantation share therin; and if their ends were other wise answered for their supplyes to come too them in time, it would be well enough. So they hired her, and set her out, and fraighted her as full as she could carry with passengers goods that belonged to the Massachussets, which rise to a good sume of money; intending to send the plantations supply in the other ship. The effecte of this Mr. Hatherley not only declared afterward upon occasion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before the Govr and Dep: Govr of the Massachusets, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: That this ship-Frindship was not sett out nor intended for the joynt partnership of the plantation, but for the perticuler accounte of Mr. James Sherley, Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Allerton, and him selfe. This deposition was taken at Boston the 29. of Aug: 1639. as is to be seen under their hands; besids some other concurente testimonies declared at severall times to sundrie of them. 483.

Aboute the Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or at least the price beaten, by Mr. Allerton (at Bristoll), yet that had been nothing if Mr. Sherley had not liked it, and disbursed the money. And that she was not intended for the plantation appears by sundrie evidences; as, first, the bills of sale, or charter-parties, were taken in their owne names, without any mention or refferance to the plantation at all; viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton; for Mr. Hatherley fell off, and would not joyne with them in this. That she was not bought for their accounte, Mr. Hatherley tooke his oath before the parties afforesaid, the day and year above writen.484.

Mr. Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning this ship, theWhit-Angell, before the Govr and Deputie, the 7. of Sep : 1639. and likewise deposed, the same time, that Mr. Hatherley and him selfe did, in the behalfe of them selves and the said Mr. Sherley, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Beachamp, agree and undertake to discharge, and save harmless, all the rest of the partners and purchasers, of and from the said losses of Freindship for 200li., which was to be discounted therupon; as by ther depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare more at large, and some other depositions and other testemonies by Mr. Winslow,etc. But I suppose these may be sufficente to evince the truth in these things, against all pretences to the contrary. And yet the burthen lay still upon the plantation; or, to speake more truly and rightly, upon those few that were ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through these things without any help from any.485.

Concerning Mr. Allerton’s accounts, they were so larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand them, much less examine and correcte them, without a great deale of time and help, and his owne presence, which was now hard to gett amongst them; and it was 2. or 3. years before they could bring them to any good pass, but never make them perfecte. I know not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it, for he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till this time, though Mr. Sherley was their agente to buy and sell their goods, and did more then he therin; yet he past in accounts in a maner for all disbursments, both concerning goods bought, which he never saw, but were done when he was hear in the cuntrie or at sea; and all the expences of the Leyden people, done by others in his absence; the charges aboute the patente, etc. In all which he made them debtore to him above 300li. and demanded paimente of it. But when things came to scaning, he was found above 2000li. debtore to them, (this wherin Mr. Hatherley and he being joyntly ingaged, which he only had, being included,) besids I know not how much that could never be cleared; and interest moneys which ate them up, which he never accounted. Also they were fame to slow such large bills of charges as were intolerable; the charges of the patent came to above 500li. and yet nothing done in it but what was done at first without any confirmation; 30li. given at a clape, and 50li. spent in a journey. No marvell therfore if Mr. Sherley said in his letel, if their bussines had been better managed, they might have been the richest plantation of any English at that time. Yea, he screedup his poore old father in law’s accounte to above 200li. and brought it on the generall accounte, and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per cent., because he knew they would never let it lye on the old man, when, alass l he, poore man, never dreamte of any such thing, nor that what he had could arise nere that valew; but thought that many of them had been freely bestowed on him and his children by Mr. Allerton. Nither in truth did they come nere that valew in worth, but that sume was blowne up by interest and high prises, which the company did for the most parte bear, (he deserving farr more,) being most sory that he should have a name to have much, when he had in effecte litle.486.

This year also Mr. Sherley sent over an accounte, which was in a maner but a cash accounte what Mr. Allerton had had of them, and disbursed, for which he referd to his accounts; besids an account of beaver sould, which Mr. Winslow and some others had carried over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. Winslow had sent and brought over, all which was comprised in that accounte, and all the disbursements aboute the Freindship, and Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts from first to last; or any thing else he could charg the partners with. So they were made debtor in the foote of that accounte 4770li. 19. 2.1 besids 1000li. still due for the purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all the beaver, and returnes that both Ashley and they had made, which were not small. 487.

In these accounts of Mr. Sherley’s some things were obscure, and some things twice charged, as a 100. of Bastable ruggs which came in the Freindship, and cost 75li., charged before by Mr. Allerton, and now by him againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to be twice or thrise charged; as also a sume of 600li. which Mr. Allerton deneyed, and they could never understand for what it was. They sent a note of these and such like things afterward to Mr. Sherley by Mr. Winslow; but (I know not how it came to pass) could never have them explained.488.

Into these deepe sumes had Mr. Allerton rune them in tow years, for in the later end of the year 1628. all their debts did not amounte to much above 400li., as was then noted; and now come to so many thousands. And wheras in the year 1629. Mr. Sherley and Mr. Hatherley being at Bristoll, and write a large letter from thence, in which they had given an account of the debts, and what sumes were then disbursed, Mr. Allerton never left begging and intreating of them till they had put it out. So they bloted out 2. lines in that leter in which the sumes were contained, and write upon it so as not a word could be perceived; as since by them was confessed, and by the leters may be seene. And thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were so deeply ingaged. And wheras Mr. Sherley did so ernestly press that Mr. Allerton might be sent over to finish the great bussines aboute the patente, as may be seen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded, and that they should be ernest with his wife to suffer him to goe, etc., he hath since confessed by a letter under my hands, that it was Mr. Allerton’s owne doings, and not his, and he made him write his words, and not his owne. The patent was but a pretence, and not the thing. Thus were they abused in their simplicitie, and no beter then bought and sould, as it may seeme. 489.

And to mend the matter, Mr. Allerton doth in a sorte wholy now deserte them; having brought them into the briers, he leaves them to gett out as they can. But God crost him mightily, for he having hired the ship of Mr. Sherly at 30li. a month, he set forth againe with a most wicked and drunken true, and for covetousnes sake did so over lade her, not only filling her hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was walte,and could not bear sayle, and they had like to have been cast away at sea, and were forced to put for Millford Havene,and new-stow her, and put some of ther ordnance and more heavie goods in the botome; which lost them time, and made them come late into the countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse viage then the year before. But being come into the countrie, he sells trading comodities to any that will buy, to the great prejudice of the plantation here; but that which is worse, what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets up a company of base felows and maks them traders, to rune into every hole, and into the river of Kenebeck, to gleane away the trade from the house ther, aboute the patente and priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of theirs here; and now what in him lay went aboute to take away the benefite therof, and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but he furnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts, (being now deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute of the trade from thence also. But the French perceiving that that would be greatly to their damage allso, they came in their begining before they were well setled, and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and tooke all their goods to a good valuw, the loss being most, if not all, Mr. Allerton’s; for though some of them should have been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes; the rest of the men were sent into France, and this was the end of that projecte. The rest of those he trusted, being lose and drunken fellows, did for the most parte but coussen and cheate him of all they got into their hands; that howsoever he did -his friends some hurte hereby for the presente, yet he gate litle good, but wente by the loss by Gods just hand. After in time, when he came to Plimmoth, the church caled him to accounte for these, and other his grosse miscarrages; he confessed his faulte, and promised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe out of these courses as soone as he could, etc. 490.

This year also Mr. Sherley would needs send them over a new-acountante; he had made mention of such a thing the year before, but they write him word, that their charge was great allready, and they neede not increase it, as this would; but if they were well delte with, and had their goods well sent over, they could keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he now sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger brother of Mr. Winslows, whom they had been at charge to instructe at London before he came. He came over in the White Angell with Mr. Allerton, and ther begane his first imploymente; for though Mr. Sherley had so farr befreinded Mr. Allerton, as to causeMr. Winslow to ship the supply sente to the partners here in this ship, and give him 4li. pr tune wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay their fraight ready dowse, before the ship wente out of the harbore, wheras others payed upon certificate of the goods being delivered, and their fraight came to upward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to have their goods delivered, for some of them were chainged, as bread and pease; they were forced to take worse for better, neither could they ever gett all. And if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been worse; for he had the invoyce, and order to send them to the trading houses. 491.

This year their house at Penobscott was robed by the French, and all their goods of any worth they carried away, to the value of 400. or 500li. as the cost first peny worth; in beaver 300li. waight; and the rest in trading goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, etc. It was in this maner. The mr of the house, and parte of the company with him, were come with their vessell to the westward to fecth a supply of goods which was brought over for them. In the mean time comes a smale French ship into the harbore (and amongst the company was a false Scott); they pretended they were nuly come from the sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her a shore and stop their leaks. And many French complements they used, and congees they made; and in the ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, that were servants, and by this Scoth-mans understanding that the maister and the rest of the company were gone from home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets, that lay upon racks by the wall side, and tooke them downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when they were possesst of them, one presents a peece ready charged against the servants, and another a pistoll; and bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver them their goods, and carries some of the men aborde, and made the other help to carry away the goods. And when they had tooke what they pleased, they sett them at liberty, and wente their way, with this mocke, biding them tell their mr when he came, that some of the Ile of Rey gentlemen had been ther.492.

This year, on[e] Sr Christopher Gardener, being, as him selfe said, descended of that house that the Bishop of Winchestercame of (who was so great a persecutor of Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a great traveler, received his first honour of knighthood at Jerusalem, being made Knight of the Sepulcher ther. He came into these parts under pretence of forsaking the world, and to live a private life, in a godly course, not unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane imployments, and take any paines for his living; and some time offered him selfe to joyne to the churchs in sundry places. He brought over with him a servante or 2. and a comly yonge woman, whom he caled his cousin, but it was suspected, she (after the Italian maner) was his concubine. Living at the Massachusets, for some miscariages which he should have answered, he fled away from authority, and gott amonge the Indeans of these parts; they sent after him, but could not gett him, and promissed some reward to those that should find him. The Indeans came to the Govr here, and tould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him; he tould them no, by no means, but if they could take him and bring him hither, they should be payed for their paines. They said he had a gune and a rapier, and he would kill them if they went aboute it; and the Massachuset Indeans said they might kille him. But the Govr tould them no, they should not kill him, but watch their opportunitie, and take him. And so they did, for when they light of him by a river side, he got into a canowe to get from them, and when they came nere him, whilst he presented his peece at them to keep them of, the streame carried the canow against a rock, and tumbled both him and his peece and rapier into the water; yet he got out, and having a litle dagger by his side, they durst not close with him, but getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his hand, so he was glad to yeeld; and they brought him to the Govr. But his hands and armes were swolen and very sore with the blower they had given him. So he used him kindly, and sent him to a lodging wher his armes were bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly well againe, and blamed the Indeans for beating him so much. They said that they did but a litle whip him with sticks. In his lodging, those that made his bed found a litle note booke that by accidente had slipt out of his pockett, or some private place, in which was a memoriall what day he was reconciled to the pope and church of Rome, and in what universitie he tooke his scapula,and such and such degrees. It being brought to the Govr, he kept it, and sent the Govr of the Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him. So the Govr sent him and these notes to the Govr ther, who tooke it very thankfuly; but after he gott for England he shewed his malice, but God prevented him.493.

See the Govr leter on the other side.494.

Sr: It bath pleased God to bring Sr Christopher Gardener safe to us, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your care of him, and that he shall speed the better for your mediation. It was a spetiall providence of God to bring those notes of his to our hands; I desire that you will please to speake to all that are privie to them, not to discovere them to any one, for that may frustrate the means of any further use to be made of them. The good Lord our God who bath allways ordered things for the good of his poore churches here, directe us in this arighte, and dispose it to a good issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble about this gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate you, to let me know what charge and troble any of your people have been at aboute him, that it may be recompenced. So with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to your selfe and yours, and to all my worthy friends with you (whom I love in the Lord), I comende you to his grace and good providence, and rest495.

Your most assured friend,

Boston, May 5. 1631.
By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declare what fell out by this mans means and malice, complying with others. And though I doubt not but it will be more fully done by my honourd friends, whom it did more directly concerne, and have more perticuler knowledg of the matter, yet I will here give a hinte of the same, and Gods providence in preventing the hurte that might have come by the same. The intelligence I had by a letter from my much hond and beloved freind, Mr. John Winthrop, Govof the Massachusets.496.

Sr: Upon a petition exhibited by Sr. Christo: Gardner, Sr. Ferd: Gorges, Captaine Masson, etc., against you and us, the cause was heard before the lords of the Privie Counsell, and after reported to the king, the success wherof maks it evident to all, that the Lord hath care of his people hear. The passages are admirable, and too long to write. I hartily wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being many sheets of paper. But the conclusion was (against all mens expectation) an order for our incouragmente, and much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries, which calls for much thankfullnes from us all, which we purpose (the Lord willing) to express in a day of thanks-giving to our mercifull God, (I doubt not but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as he bath humbled us by his late correction, so he bath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that which our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve. The coppy of the order follows. At the courte at Whit-hall the 19. Jan: 1632.Present Sigillum Lord Privie Seale Lord Cottinton Ea: of Dorsett Mr. Tre` Lo: Vi: Falkland Mr. Vic Chamb` Lo: Bp: of London Mr. Sec: Cooke Maister Sec: Windebanck Wheras his Ma”e bath latly been informed of great distraction and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America called NewEngland, which, if they be true, and suffered to rune on, would tende to the great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter ruine of that plantation. For prevention wherof, and for the orderly settling of goverment, according to the intention of those patents which have been granted by his Ala”e and from his late royall father king James, it bath pleased his AIa”e that the lords and others of his most honourable Privie Counsell, should take the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place thought fitt to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of the matters informed; which comitties having called diverse of the principall adventurers in that plantation, and heard those that are complanants against them, most of the things informed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties that must be called from that place, which required a long expence of time; and at presente their lordships finding the adventurers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and marchandice for that place, all which would be at a stand, if the adventurers should have discouragmente, or take suspition that the state hear had no good opinion of that plantation; their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be) of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente, or principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be inquired into,) have thought fitt in the meane time to declare, that the appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, that the countrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom, and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as that the adventurers had cause to goe oncherfullywith their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was pretended when the patents were granted, and accordingly as by the patentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only maintaine the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that might tend to the good govermente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that place, etc. 497.

Anno Dom: 1632.
MR. ALLERTON, returning for England, litle regarded his bound of a 1000li. to performe covenants; for wheras he was bound by the same to bring the ship to London, and to pay 30li. per month for her hire, he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll againe, from whence he intended to sett her out againe, and so did the 3. time, into these parts (as after will appear); and though she had been 10. months upon the former viage, at 30li. pr month, yet he never payed peney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough how to deale with Mr. Sherley. And Mr. Sherley, though he would needs tye her and her accounte upon the generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe pleased; for though Mr. Winslow had in their names protested against the receiving her on that accounte, or if ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet never to suffer Mr. Allerton to have any more to doe in her, yet he the last year let her wholy unto him, and injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to their prejudice, as is before noted. And now, though he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire, nor was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes and sells him all, both ship, and all her accounts, from first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given him the same) ; and not only this, but he doth as good as provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him one years time to prepare his accounte, and then to give up the same to them here; and then another year for him to make paymente of what should be due upon that accounte. And in the mean time writs ernestly to them not to interupte or hinder him from his bussines, or stay him aboute clearing accounts, etc.; so as he in the mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her, or the Frindship’s accounts, as his owns perticuler; and after, sells ship, and ordnans, fish, and what he had raised, in Spaine, according to the first designe, in effecte; and who had, or what became of the money, he best knows. In the mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing but looke on, till he had made all away into other mens hands (save a few catle and a litle land and some small maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in the end removed, as he had allready his person, so all his from hence. This will better appere by Mr. Sherley’s leter. 498.

Sr: These few lines are further to give you to understand, that seeing you and we, that never differed yet but aboute the White-Angell, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. And now Mr. Allerton beeing here, we have had some confferance with him about her, and find him very willing to give you and us all contents that possiblie he can, though he burthen him selfe. He is contents to take the White Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett with pirates nere the coast of Ierland, which tooke away his best sayles and other provissions from her; so as verily if we should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small price, besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with fresh money we would not, she being now at Bristoll. Wherfore we thought it best, both for you and us, Mr. Allerton being willing to take her, to accepts of his bond of tow.thousand pounds, to give you a true and perfecto accounts, and take the whole charge of the Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from the first to the last. The accounts he is to make and perfects within 12. months from the date of this letter, and then to pay you at 6. and 6. months after, what soever shall be due unto you and us upon the foote of that accounts. And verily, notwithstanding all the disasters he hath had, I am perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and ther. Only they must have patience till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I doe not write this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and perhaps you know not of) under the hands and seals of some, etc. I rest Your assured friend, JAMES SAERLEY. Des: 6. 1632.499.

But heres not a word of the breach of former bonds and covenants, or paimente of the ships hire; this is passt by as if no such thing had been; besids what bonds or obligments so ever they had of him, ther never came any into the hands or sight of the partners here. And for this that Mr. Sherley seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abilitie, under the hands and seals of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up an accounte of what was owing from such base fellows as he had made traders for him, and other debts; and then got Mr. Mahue, and some others, to affirme under their hand and seale, that they had seen shuch accounts that were due to him.500.

Mr. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his owne occasions, and begane to make preparation to plant and dwell in the countrie. He with his former dealings had wound in what money he had in the patnership into his owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (excepte in name), as was found in the issue of things; neither did he medle, or take any care aboute the same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente aboute the Friendship, as will after appeare. And now partly aboute that accounte, in some reconings betweene Mr. Allerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton otherwise owed him upon dealing between them in perticuler, he drue up an accounte of above 2000li., and would faine have ingaged the partners here with it, because Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But they tould him they had been fool’d longe enough with such things, and shewed him that it no way belonged to them; but tould him he must looke to make good his ingagment for the Freindship, which caused some trouble betweene Mr. Allerton and him.501.

Mr. William Peirce did the like, Mr. Allerton being wound into his debte also upon particuler dealings; as if they had been bound to, make good all mens debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But Mr. Allerton herby rane into much trouble and vexation, as well as he had troubled others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the money he had disbursed for the 6. part of the Whit-Angell, and recovered the same with damages.502.

Though the partners were thus plunged into great ingagments, and oppresed with unjust debts, yet the Lord prospered their trading, that they made yearly large returnes, and had soone wound them selves out of all, if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all; as will more appear here after. Also the people of the plantation begane to grow in their owtward estats, by rea[son] of the flowing of many people into the cuntrie, espetially into the Bay of the Massachusets; by which means come and catle rose to a great prise, by which many were much inriched, and commodities grue plentifull; and yet in other regards this benefite turned to their hurte, and this accession of strength to their wecknes. For now as their stocks increased, and the increse vendible, ther was no longer any holding them togeather, but now they must of necessitie goe to their great lots;they could not other wise keep their katle; and having oxen growne, they must have land for plowing and tillage. And no man now thought he could live, except he had catle and a great deale of ground to keep them; all striving to increase their stocks. By which means they were scatered all over the bay, quickly, and the towne, in which they lived compactly till now, was left very thine, and in a short time allmost desolate. And if this had been all, it had been less, thoug to much; but the church must also be devided, and those that had lived so long togeather in Christian and comfortable fellowship must now part and suffer many divissions. First, those that lived on their lots on the other side of the bay (called Duxberie) they could not long bring their wives and children to the publick worship and church meetings here, but with such burthen, as, growing to some competente number, they sued to be dismissed and become a body of them selves; and so they were dismiste (about this time), though very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd matter, and handle things together that fell out after ward. To prevent any further scatering from this place, and weakning of the same, it was thought best to give out some good farms to spetiall persons, that would promise to live at Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull to the church or comonewelth, and so tye the lands to Plimoth as farmes for the same; and ther they might keepe their catle and tillage by some servants, and retaine their dwellings here. And so some spetiall lands were granted at a place generall, called Greens Harbor,whey no allotments had been in the former divission, a plase very weell mkeadowed, and fitt to keep and rear catle, good store. But alass! this remedy proved worse then the disease; for within a few years those that had thus gott footing ther rente them selves away, partly by force, and partly wearing the rest with importunitie and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and contention. And others still, as they conceived them selves straitened, or to want accommodation, break away under one pretence or other, thinking their owne conceived necessitie, and the example of others, a warrente sufficente for them. And this, I fear, will be the ruine of New-England, at least of the churches of God ther, and will provock the Lords displeasure against them.503.

This year, Mr. William Perce came into the cuntry, and brought goods and passengers, in a ship caled the Lyon, which belonged cheefly to Mr. Sherley, and the rest of the London partners, but these hear had nothing to doe with her. In this ship (besides beaver which they had sent home before) they sent upwards of 800li. in her, and some otter skines; and also the coppies of Mr. Allertons accounts, desiring that they would also peruse and examene them, and rectifie shuch things as they should find amise in them; and rather because they were better acquaynted with the goods bought ther, and the disbursments made, then they could bee here; yea, a great part were done by them selves, though Mr. Allerton brougt in the accounte, and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions against his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and doubted not but they might adde more therunto. And also chewed them how much Mr. Allerton was debtor to the accounte; and desired, seeing they had now put the ship White-AngeU, and all, wholy into his power, and tyed their hands here, that they could not call him to accounte for any thinge, till the time was expired which they had given him, and by that time other men would get their debts of him, (as sume had done already by suing him,) and he would make all away here quickly out of their reach; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and gett paymente of him ther, as it was all the reason they should, seeing they keept all the bonds and covenants they made with him in their owne hands; and here they could doe nothing by the course they had taken, nor had any thing to show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God, this ship, being first to goe to Verginia before she wente home was cast away on that coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was all lost (which was the first loss they sustained in that kind); but Mr. Perce and the men saved their lives, and also their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so safly home. The accounts were now sent from hence againe to them. And thus much of the passages of this year.504.

A part o f Mr. Perrce his leter from Virginia.
It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand the 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from England.505.

Dear freinds, etc. The bruit of this fatall stroke that the Lord hath brought both on me and you all will come to your ears before this commeth to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall not need to inlarg in perticulers, etc. My whole estate (for the most parte) is taken away; and so yours, in a great measure, by this and your former losses [he means by the French and Mr. Allerton]. It is time to looke aboute us, before the wrath of the Lord breake forth to utter destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our harts and trie our ways, and turne unto the Lord, and humble our selves under his migbtie hand, and seeke atonemente, etc. Dear freinds, you may know that all your beaver, and the books of your accounts, are swallowed up in the sea; your letters remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me home. But what should I more say? Have we lost our outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine; tber is yet more in the Lord Jehova than ever we had yet in the world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained from the things here below, which are vanity and vexation of spirite; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, that flye away, and are gone in a momente, etc. Thus with my continuall remembrance of you in my poore desires to the throne of grace, beseeching God to renew his love and favoure towards you all, in and through the Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall and temporall good things, as may be most to the glory and praise of his name, and your everlasting good.506.

Your afflicted brother in Christ,

Virginia, Des: 25. 1632.
Anno Dom: 1633.
THIS year Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor.
By the first returne this year, they had leters from Mr. Sherley of Mr. Allertons further ill success, and the loss by Mr. Peirce, with many sadd complaints; but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of Mr. Allerton, or how their accounts might be either eased, or any way rectified by them ther; but now saw plainly that the burthen of all would be cast on their backs. The spetiall passages of his letters I shall here inserte, as shall be pertinente to these things; for though I am weary of this tedious and uncomfortable subjecte, yet for the clearing of the truth I am compelled to be more larg in the opening of these matters, upon which so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard censures have passed on both sids. I would not be partiall to either, but deliver the truth in all, and, as nere as I can, in their owne words and passages, and so leave it to the impartiall judgment of any that shall come to read, or veiw these things. His leters are as folow, dated June 24. 1633. 507.

Loving friends, my lastwas sente in the Mary and John, by Mr. William Collier,etc. I then certified you of the great, and uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you and we had, in the loss of Mr. Peirce his ship, the Lyon; but the Lords holy name be blessed, who gives and taks as it pleaseth him; his will be done, Amen. I then related unto you that fearfull accidente, or rather judgmente, the Lord pleased to lay on London Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch of my great loss; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in him, and not in these slipery and uncertaine things of this world.508.

I hope Mr. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this; but he had many disasters here before he could gett away; yet the last was a heavie one; his ship, going out of the harbor at Bristoll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on the shore, as it cost him above 100li. before shee could be gott off againe. Verily his case was so lamentable as I could not but afford him some help therin (and so did some were strangers to him); besids, your goods were in her, and if he had not been supported, he must have broke off his viage, and so loss could not have been avoyded on all sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he had made a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never set her forth. I hope he sees the Lords hand against him, and will leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in parting with her; she would have been but a clogge to the accounte from time to time, and now though we shall not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall lose no more. And now, as before I have writte, I pray you finish all the accounts and reconings with him there; for here he hath nothing, but many debtes that he stands ingaged to many men for. Besids, here is not a man that will spend a day, or scarce an hover, aboute the accounts but my selfe, and that bussines will require more time and help then I can afford. I shall not need to say any more; I hope you will doe that which shall be best and just, to which adde mercie, and consider his intente, though he failed in many perticulers, which now cannot be helped, etc. 509.

To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300li. and Mr. Beachamp is out of the tow ne, yet the bussines I must doe. Oh the greefe and trouble that man, Mr. Allerton, hath brought upon you and us! I cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws many sigh from my harte, and teares from my eyes. And now the Lord hath visited me with an other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more patience. But this I have follishly pulled upon my selfe, etc. [And in another, he hath this passage:] By Mr. Allertons faire propositions and large promises, I have over rune my selfe; verily, at this time greefe hinders me to write, and tears will not suffer me to see; wherfore, as you love those that ever loved you, and that plantation, thinke upon us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused your trust and wronged our loves! but now to complaine is too late, nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for I am perswaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth on our purses or credites. And had the Lord sent Mr. Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some of those debts; the Lord I hope will give us patience to bear these crosses; and that great God, whose care and providence is every where, and spetially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him, direct, guid, prosper, and blesse you so, as that you may be able (as I perswade my selfe you are willing) to discharge and take off this great and heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks; and I hope in the ende for the good of you, and many thousands more; for had not you and we joyned and continued togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce knowwe, I am perswaded, not so replenished and inhabited withhonest English people, as it now is. The Lord increase and blesse them, etc. So, with my continual) praiers for you all, I rest 510.

Your assured loving friend,

June 24. 1633.
By this it apperes when Air. Sherly sould him the ship and all her accounts, it was more for Mr. Allertons advantage then theirs; and if they could get any there, well and good, for they were like to have nothing here. And what course was held to hinder them there, hath allready beene manifested. And though Mr. Sherley became more sinsible of his owne condition, by these losses, and therby more sadly and plainly to complaine of Mr. Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them here, but all left unto them selves; not so much as to examene and rectifie the accounts, by which (it is like) some hundereds of pounds might have been taken off. But very probable it is, the more theysawwas taken off, the less might come unto them selves. But I leave these maters, and come to other things. Mr. Roger Williams(a man godly and zealous, having many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) came over first to the Massachusets, but upon some discontente left that place, and came hither, (whey he was friendly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) and exercised his gifts amongst them, and after some time was admitted a member of the church; and his teaching well approoved, for the benefite wherof I still blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest admonitions and reproufs, so farr as they agreed with truth. He this year begane to fall into some strang oppinions, and from opinion to practise; which caused some controversie betweene the church and him, and in the end some discontente on his parte, by occasion wherof he left them some thing abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to the church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them concerning him, and what care they ought to have of him. But he soone fell into more things ther, both to their and the goverments troble and disturbance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are too well knowen now to all, though for a time the church here wente under some hard censure by his occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave the matter, and desire the Lord to shew him his errors, and reduse him into the way of truth, and give him a setled judgment and constantie in the same; for I hope he belongs to the Lord, and that he will shew him mercie.511.

Having had formerly converse and famliarity with the Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them seated, here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river called by them the Fresh River, but now is known by the name of Conightecute-River, which they often commended unto them for a fine place both for plantation and trade, and wished them to make use of it. But their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass. But afterwards ther coming a company of banishte Indeans into these parts, that were drivene out from thence by the potencie of the Pequents, which usurped upon them, and drive them from thence, they often sollisited them to goe thither, and they should have much trad, espetially if they would keep a house ther. And having now good store of comodities, and allso need to looke out wher they could advantage them selves to help them out of their great ingagments, they now begane to send that way to discover the same, and trade with the natives. They found it to be a fine place, but had no great store of trade; but the Indeans excused the same in regard of the season, and the fear the Indans were in of their enemise. So they tried divorce times, not with out profite, but saw the most certainty would be by keeping a house ther, to receive the trad when it came down out of the inland. These Indeans, not seeing them very forward to build ther, solisited them of the Massachusets in like sorte (for their end was to be restored to their countrie againe); but they in the Bay being but latly come, were not fitte for the same; but some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne with the partners here, to trad joyntly with them in that river, the which they were willing to imbrace, and so they should have bate, and put in equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed at the Massachusets, and some of the cheefe here was appointed to treat with them, and went accordingly; but they cast many fears of deanger and loss and the like, which was perceived to be the maine obstacles, though they alledged they were not provided of trading goods. But those hear offered at presente to put in sufficiente for both, provided they would become ingaged for the halfe, and prepare against the nexte year. They conffessed more could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them they had no mind to it. They then answered, they hoped it would be no offence unto them, if them sellves wente on without them, if they saw it meete. They said ther was no reason they should; and thus this treaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente time to make a begining ther; and were the first English that both discovered that place, and built in the same, though they were litle better then thrust out of it afterward as may appeare. 512.

But the Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of their purpose and preparation, indevoured to prevente them, and gott in a litle before them, and made a slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, thretening to stopp their passage. But they having made a smale frame of a house ready, and haveing a great new-barke, they stowed their frame in her hold, and bords to cover and finishe it, having nayles and all other provisions fitting for their use. This they did the rather that they might have a presente defence against the Indeans, who wegre much offended that they brought home and restored the right Sachem of the place (called Natawanute); so as they were to incounter with a duble danger in this attempte, both the Dutch and the Indeans. When they came up the river, the Dutch demanded what they intended, and whither they would goe; they answered, up the river to trade (now their order was to goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, and stay, or els they would shoote them; and stood by ther ordnance ready fitted. They answered they had commission from the Govr of Plimoth to goe up the river to such a place, and if they did shoote, they must obey their order and proceede; they would not molest them, but would goe one! So they passed along, and though the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not. Comming to their place, they clapt up their house quickly, and landed their provissions, and left the companie appoynted, and sent the barke home; and afterwards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them selves better. The Dutch sent word home to the Monhataswhat was done; and in proces of time, they sent a band of aboute 70.. men, in warrlike maner, with collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them strengtened, and that it would cost blood, they came to parley, and returned in peace. And this was their enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not by freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will after appere. They did the Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foote of any land they bought, but went to the place above. them, and bought that tracte of land which belonged to these Indeans which they carried with them, and their friends, with whom the Dutch had nothing to doe. But of these matters more in another place. 513.

It pleased the Lord to visite them this year with an infectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and upward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends which had lived in Holand; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, with sundry others, and in the end (after he had much helped others) Samuell Fuller, who was their surgeon and phisition, and had been a great help and comforte unto them; as in his facultie, so otherwise, being a deacon of the church, a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much missed after his death; and he and the rest of their brethren much lamented by them, and caused much sadnes and mourning amongst them; which caused them to humble them selves, and seeke the Lord; and towards winter it pleased the Lord the sicknes ceased. This disease alleo swept away many of the Indeans from all the places near adjoyning; and the spring before, espetially all the month of May, they was such a quantitie of a great sorte of flies, like (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes in the ground, and replenished all the woods, and eate the green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, as made all the woods ring of them, and ready to deaf e the hearers.They have not by the English been heard or seen before or since. But the Indeans tould them that sicknes would followf and so it did in June, July, August, and the cheefe heat o, sommer.514.

It pleased the Lord to inable them this year to send home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their charges, and debts at home, which good returne did much incourage their freinds in England. They sent in beaver 3366li. waight, and much of it coat beaver, which yeeled 20s. pr pound, and some of it above; and of otter-skines 346. sould also at a good prise. And thus much of the affairs of this year. 515.

Anno Dom: 1634.
This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Govr.516.

Mr. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs this year. I will forbear to coppy any part therof, only name a head or 2. therin. First, he desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly write, professing his good affection towards them as before, etc. 2ly- For Mr. Allertons accounts, he is perswaded they must suffer, and that in no small summer; and that they have cause enough to complaine, but it was now too late. And that he had failed them ther, those here, and him selfe in his owne aimes. And that now, having thus left them here, he feared God had or would leave him, and it would not be strang, but a wonder if he fell not into worse things, etc. 3ly. He blesseth God and is thankfull to them for the good returne made this year. This is the effecte of his letters, other things being of more private nature.517.

I am now to enter upon one of the sadest things that befell them since they came; but before I begine, it will be needfull to premise such parte of their patente as gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck; as followeth 518.

The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed, sold, in. feoffed, alloted, assigned, and sett over, and by these presents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante, bargane, sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme unto the said William Bradford, his heires, associates, and assignes, All that tracte of land or part of New-England in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and extendeth it selfe from the utmost limits of Cobiseconte,which adjoyneth to the river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne ocean, and a place called the falls of Nequamkickin America, aforsaid; and the space of 15. English myles on each side of the said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all the said river ` called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits and bounds, eastward, westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by vertue of the authority to us derived by his said late Matis Lres patents, to take, apprehend, seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempte to inhabite or trade with the savage people of that countrie within the severall precincts and limits of his and their severall plantations, etc. 519.

Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to the plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and commodities to trade in that river, and would needs press into their limites; and not only so, but would needs goe up the river above their house, (towards the falls of the river,) and intercept the trade that should come to them. He that was cheefe of the place forbad them, and prayed him that he would not offer them that injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties, which had cost them so dear. But he answered he would goe up and trade ther in dispite of them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other tould him he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or make seasure of him if he could. He bid him doe his worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The other tooke a boat and some men and went up to him, when he saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by what perswasion he could. But all in vaine: he could gett nothing of him but ill words. So he considred that now was the season for trade to come dowse, and if he should suffer him to lye, and take it from them, all ther former charge would be lost, and they had better throw up all. So, consulting with his men, (who were willing thertoe,) he resolved to put him from his anchores, and let him drive dowse the river with the streame; but commanded the men that none should shoote a shote upon any occasion, except he commanded them. He spoake to him againe, but all in vaine; then he sente a cuple in a canow to cutt his cable, the which one of them performes; but Hocking taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and as the barke shered by the canoes, he shote him close under her side, in the head, (as I take it,) so he fell dowse dead instantly. One of his fellows (that loved him well) could not hold, but with a muskett shot Hocking, who fell dowse dead and never speake word. This was the truth of the thing. The rest of the men carried home the vessell and the sad tidings of these things. Now the Lord Saye and the Lord Brooks,with some other great persons, had a hand in this plantation; they write home to them, as much as they could to exasperate them in the matter, leving out all the circumstances, as if he had been kild without any offene of his parte, conceling that he had kild another first, and the just occasion that he had given in offering such wrong; at which their Lords were much offended, till they were truly informed of the mater.520.

The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and that in the worst maner,) and came into the Bay to their neighbours their. Their owne barke comming home, and bringing a true relation of the matter, sundry were sadly affected with the thing, as they had cause. It was not long before they had occasion to send their vessell into the Bay of the Massachusetts; but they were so prepossest with this matter, and affected with the same, as they commited Mr. Alden to prison, who was in the bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no attore in the bussines, but wente to carie them supply. They dismist the barke aboute her bussines, but kept him for some time. This was thought strang here, and they sente Capten Standish to give them true information, (togeather with their letters,) and the best satisfaction they could, and to procure Mr. Alden’s release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show the passages of these things, as folloeth.521.

Good Sr:

I have received your lres by Captaine Standish, and am unfainedly glad of Gods mercie towards you in the recovery of your health, or some way thertoo. For the bussines you write of, I thought meete to answer a word or 2. to your selfe, leaving the answer of your Govr’tre to our courte, to whom the same, together with my selfe is directed. I conceive (till I hear new matter to the contrary) that your patente may warrente your resistance of any English from trading at Kenebeck, and that blood of Hocking, and the partie he slue, will be required at his hands. Yet doe I with your selfe and others sorrow for their deaths. I thinke likewise that your generall tres will satisfie our courte, and make them cease from any further inter medling in the mater. I have upon the same tre sett Mr. Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and yet, least I should seeme to neglette the opinion of our court and the frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound Captaine Standish to appeare the 3. of June at our nexte courte, to make affidavid for the coppie of the patente, and to man ifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both which will tend to the clearing of your innocencie. If any unkindnes hath ben taken from what we have done, let it be further and better considred of, I pray you; and I hope the more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in differencing them, whose opinions concurr with your owne, from others who were opposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken with no man in the bussines who taxed you most, but they are such as have many waves heretofore declared ther good affections towards your plantation. I further referr my selfe to the reporte of Captaine Standish and Mr. Allden; leaving you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you perfecte recovery of health, and the long con tinuance of it. I desire to be lovingly remembred to Mr. Prence, your Govr, Air. Winslow, Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. The Lord keepe you all. Amen.522.

Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus,

New-towne, the 22. of flay, 1634.
Another of his about these things as followeth.
Sr: I am right sorrie for the news that Captaine Standish and other of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now to Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion, which differeth from others, who are godly and wise, amongst us here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth me to suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I remaine in it untill I be convinced therof. I thought not to have shewed ‘ your letter written to me, but to have done my best to have reconciled differences in the best season and maner I could; but Captaine Standish requiring an answer therof publickly in the courte, I was forced to produce it, and that made the breach soe wide as he can tell you. I propounded to the courte, to answer Mr. Prences tre, your Gov’, but our courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an answer to a former tre of ours. I pray you certifie Mr. Prence so much, and others whom it concerneth, that no neglette or ill manners be imputed to me theraboute. The late tres I received from England wrought in me divere fears of some trials which are shortly like to fall upon us; and this unbappie contention betweene you and us, and between you and Pascattaway, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie hand doe not help us. To reconcile this for the presente will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a comone danger to us boath approaching, will n-cessitate our uniting againe. I pray you therfore, Sr. set your wisdom and patience a worse, and exhorte others to the same, that things may not proceede from bad to worse, so making our contentions like the barrs of a pallace, but that a way of peace may be kepte open, wherat the God of peace may have enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it shall be your honor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in needles putting you in mind of these things. God hath done great things for you, and I desire his blessings maybe multiplied upon you more and more. I will commite no more to writing, but comending my self e to your prayers, doe rest,523.

Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus,

June 4. 1634.
By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon, and how hard they were to be reconciled; for though they hear were hartily sorrie for what was fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly injuried, and provoked to what was done; and that their neigbours (haveing no jurisdiction over them) did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of theirs, and bind them to their courte. But yet being assured of their Christian love, and perswaded what was done was out of godly zeale, that religion might not suffer, nor sinne any way covered or borne with, espetially the guilte of blood, of which all should be very conscientious in any whom soever, they did indeavore to appease and satisfie them the best they could; first, by informing them the truth in all circomstances aboute the matter; 2ly, in being willing to referr the case to any indifferante and equall hearing and judgmente of the thing hear, and to answere it els whey when they should be duly called therunto; and further they craved Mr. Winthrops, and other of the reved magistrats ther, their advice and direction herein. This did mollifie their minds, and bring things to a good and comfortable issue in the end. 524.

For they had this advice given them by Mr. Winthrop, and others concurring with him, that from their courte, they should write to the neigboure plantations, and espetially that of the lords, at Pascataway,and theirs of the Massachusets, to appointe some to give them meeting at some fitt place, to consulte and determine in this matter, so as the parties meeting might have full power to order and bind, etc. And that nothing be done to the infringing or prejudice of the liberties of any place. And for the clearing of conscience, the law of God is that the preist lips must be consulted with, and therfore it was desired that the ministers of every plantation might be presente to give their advice in pointe of conscience. Though this course seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well assured of the justice of their cause, and the equitie of their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, and appointed a time, of which they gave notice to the severall places a month before hand; viz. Massachusets, Salem, and Pascataway, or any other that they would give notice too, and disired them to produce any evidence they could in the case. The place for meeting was at Boston. But when the day and time came, none apered, but some of the magistrats and ministers of the Massachusets, and their owne. Seeing none of Passcataway of other places came, (hA¡veing been thus desired, and conveniente time given them for that end,) Mr. Winthrop and the rest said they could doe no more then they had done thus to requeste them, the blame must rest on them. So they fell into a fair debating of things them selves; and after all things had been fully opened and discussed, and the opinione of each one demanded, both magistrats, and ministers, though they all could have wished these things had never been, yet they could not but lay the blame and guilt on Hockins owne head; and withall gave them such grave and godly exhortations and advice, as they thought meete, both for the presente and future; which they allso imbraced with love and thankfullnes, promising to indeavor to follow the same. And thus was this matter ended, and ther love and concord renewed; and also Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley write in their behalfes to the Lord Ssay and other gentl-men that were interesed in that plantation, very effectually, with which, togeather with their ovine leters, and Mr. Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they rested well satisfied.525.

Mr. Winslow was sente by them this year into England, partly to informe and satisfie the Lord Say and others, in the former matter, as also to make answer and their just defence for the same, if any thing should by any be prosecuted against them at Counsell-table, or els wher; but this matter tooke end, without any further trouble, as is before noted. And partly to signifie unto the partners in England, that the terme of their trade with the company here was out, and therfore he was sente to finishe the accounts with them, and to bring them notice how much debtore they should remaine on that accounte, and that they might know what further course would be best to hold. But the issue of these things will appear in the next years passages. They now sente over by him a great returne, which was very acceptable unto them; which was in beaver 3738li. waight, (a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 206. pr pound,) and 234. otter skives;which alltogeather rise to a great sume of money.526.

This year (in the foreparte of the same) they sente forth a barke to trad at the Dutch-Plantation; and they mette ther with on Captaine Stone, that had lived in Christophers, one of the West-Ende Ilands,and now had been some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these parts. He kept company with the Dutch Gover, and, I know not in what drunken fitt, he gott leave of the Govr to ceaise on their barke, when they were ready to come away, and had done their markett, haveing the valew of 500li. worth of goods abord her; having no occasion at all, or any collour of ground for such a thing, but having made the Govr drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right word; and when he urged him hear aboute, he answered him, Als ‘t u belee f t.So he gat abord, (the cheef e of their men and marchant being ashore,) and with some of his ovine men, made the rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett sayle, and carry her away towards Virginia. But diverse of the Dutch sea-men, which had bene often at Plimoth, and kindly entertayned ther, said one to another, Shall we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, and have their goods carried away, before our faces, whilst our Govr is drunke? They vowed they would never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him, and brought him in againe, and delivered them their barke and goods againe.527.

After wards Stone came into the Massachusets, and they sent and commensed suite against him for this facte; but by mediation of freinds it was taken up, and the suite lett fall. And in the company of some other gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly and civill entertainmente amongst them, with the rest; but revenge boyled within his brest, (though concelled,) for some conceived he had a purpose (at one time) to have stabbed the Govr, and put his hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods providence and the vigilance of some was prevented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with one Captaine Norton and some others; and, I know not for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigtecutt River; and how they carried themselves I know not, but the Indeans knoct him in the head, as he lay in his cabine, and had thrown the covering over his face (whether out of fear or desperation is uncertaine); this was his end. They likewise killed all the rest, but Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long time against them all in the cookeroome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire, which (for readynes) he had sett in an open thing before him, which did so burne, and scald him, and blind his eyes, as he could make no longer resistance, but was slaine also by them, though they much comended his vallour. And having killed the men, they made a pray of what they had, and chafered away some of their things to the Dutch that lived their. But it was not longe before a quarell fell betweene the Dutch and them, and they would have cutt of their bark; but they slue the cheef sachem with the shott of a murderer. 528.

I am now to relate some strang and remarkable passages. Ther was a company of people lived in the country, up above in the river of Conigtecut, a great way from their trading house ther,and were enimise to those Indeans which lived aboute them, and of whom they stood in some fear (being a stout people). About a thousand of them had inclosed them selves in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4. Dutch men went up in the begining of winter to live with them, to gett their trade, and prevente them for bringing it to the English, or to fall into amitie with them; but at spring to bring all downe to their place. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sicknes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott above ground for want of buriall, and the Dutch men allmost starved before they could gett away, for ise and snow. But about Feb: they got with much difficultie to their trading house; whom they kindly releeved, being allmost spente with hunger and could. Being thus refreshed by them diverce days, they got to their owne place, and the Dutch were very thankfull for this kindnes. 529.

This spring, also, those Indeans that lived aboute their trading house there fell sick of the small poxe, and dyed most miserably; for a sorer disease cannot befall them; they fear it more then the plague; for usualy they that have this disease have them in abundance, and for watee of bedding and linning and other helps, they fall into a lamentable condition, as they lye on their hard matts, the poxe breaking and mattering, and runing one into another, their skin cleaving (by reason therof) to the matts they lye on; when they turne them, a whole side will flea of at once, (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore blood, most fearfull to behold; and then being very sore, what with could and other distempers, they dye like rotten sheep. The condition of this people was so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of this diseas, as they were (in the end) not able to help on another; no, not to make a fire, nor to fetch a litle water to drinke, nor any to burie the dead; but would strivie as long as they could, and when they could procure no other means to make fire, they would burne the woden trayes and dishes they ate their meate in, and their very Bowes and arrowes; and some would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water, and some times dye by the way, and not be able to gett in againe. But those of the English house, (though at first they were afraid of the infection,) yet seeing their woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and lamentations, they had compastion of them, and dayly fetched them wood and water, and made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived, and buried them when they dyed. For very few of them escaped, notwithstanding they did what they could for them, to the haszard of them selvs. The cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, and allmost all his freinds and kinred. But by the marvelous goodnes and providens of God not one of the English was so much as sicke, or in the least measure tainted with this disease, though they dayly did these offices for them for many weeks togeather. And this mercie which they shewed them was kindly taken, and thankfully acknowledged of all the Indeans that knew or heard of the same; and their innhere did much comend and reward them for the same. 530.

Anno Dom: 1635.
MR. WINSLOW was very Wellcome to them in England, and the more in regard of the large returne he brought with him, which came all safe to their hands, and was well sould. And he was borne in hand, (at least he so apprehended,) that all accounts should be cleared before his returne, and all former differences ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over to them hear, that he hoped to cleare the accounts, and bring them over with him; and that the accounte of the White Angele would be taken of, and all things fairly ended. But it, came to pass that, being occasioned to answer some complaints made against the countrie at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning their neigbours in the Bay then them selves hear, the, which he did to good effecte, and further prosecuting such things as might tend to the good of the whole, as well them selves as others, aboute the wrongs and incroachments that the French and other strangers both had and were like further to doe unto them, if not prevented, he prefered this petition following to their Hodthat were deputed Comissioners for the Plantations. 531.

To the right honorable the Lords Comissioners for the Plantations in America.

The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on the behalfe of the plantstions in New-England, Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, that wheras your petitioners have planted them selves in New England under his Mat most gratious protection; now so it is, right Honbl, that the French and Dutch doe indeaouer to devide the land betweene them; for which purpose the French= have, on the east side, entered and seased upon one of our houses, and carried away the goods, slew 2. of the men in another place, and tooke the rest prisoners with their goods. And the Dutch, on the west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River, within the limits of his Maj rs patent, where they have raised a forte, and threaten to expell your petitioners thence, who are also planted upon the same river, maintaining possession for his Mate to their great charge, and hazard both of lives and goods. 532.

In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray that your Lopps will either procure their peace with those foraine states, or else to give spetiall warrants unto your petitioners and the English Collonies, to right and defend them selves against all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall pray, etc. 533.

This petition found good acceptation with most of them, and Mr. Winslow was heard sundry times by them, and appointed further to attend for an answer from their Loppe, espetially, having upon conferance with them laid downs a way how this might be doone without any either charge or trouble to the state; only by furnishing some of the cheefe of the cuntry hear with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owns charge, and in such a way as should be without any publick disturbance. But this crossed both Sir Ferdinandos Gorgesand Cap: Masons designe, and the archbishop of Counterberieat by them; for Sr Ferd: Gorges (by the arch-pps favors) was to have been sent over generall Govr into the countrie, and to have had means from the state for that end, and was now upon dispatch and conclude of the bussines. And the arch-bishops purposs and intente was, by his means, and some he should send with him, (to be furnished with Episcopall power,) to disturbe the peace of the churches here, and to overthrow their proceedings and further growth, which was the thing he aimed at. But it so fell out (by Gods providence) that though he in the end crost this petition from taking any further effecte in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the plotte and whole bussines of his and Sr Ferdinandos fell to the ground, and came to nothing. When Mr. Winslow should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon the pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and Mr. Winslow, thinking to gett it freed, went to the bord againe; but the bishop, Sr Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made before, and his base carriage) to complaine; to whose complaints Mr. Winslow made answer to the good satisfaction of the borde, who checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, and allso blamed Sr Ferd Gorges, and Masson, for countenancing him. But the bish: had a further end and use of his presence, for he now begane to question Mr. Winslow of many things; as of teaching in the church publickly, of which Morton accused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and heard him doe it; to which Mr. Winslow answered, that some time (wanting a minster) he did exercise his gifte to help the edification of his breethren, when they wanted better means, which was not often. Then aboute mariage, the which he also confessed, that, haveing been called to place of magistracie, he had sometimes maried some. And further tould their lordpe that mariage was a civille thinge, and he found no wher in the word of God that it was tyed to ministrie. Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for a long time togeather at first no minister; besids, it was no new-thing, for he had been so maried him selfe in Holand, by the magistrats in their Statthouse. But in the end (to be short), for these things, the bishop, by vemente importunity, gott the bord at last to consente to his comittemente; so he was comited to the Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks, or ther aboute, before he could gett to be released. And this was the end of this petition, and this bussines; only the others designe was also frustrated hereby, with other things concurring, which was no smalle blessing to the people here.534.

But the charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in Mr. Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) but by the hinderante of their bussines both ther and hear, by his personall imploymente. For though this was as much or more for others then for them hear, and by them cheefly he was put on this bussines, (for the plantation kn6we nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonmente,) yet the whole charge lay on them.535.

Now for their owne bussines; whatsoever Mr. Sherleys mind was before, (or Mr. Winslow apprehension of the same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that he would neither take of the White-Angell from the accounte, nor give any further accounte, till he had received more into his hands; only a prety good supply of goods were sent over, but of the most, no note of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as formerly; which Mr. Winslow said he could not help, because of his restrainte. Only now Mr. Sherley and Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of atturney under their hands and seals, to recovere what they could of Mr. Allerton for the Angells accounte; but sent them neither the bonds, nor covenants, or such other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of Mr. Sherleys letters aboute these things.536.

Your leter of the 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our loving friend Mr. Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcell of beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it came safly to us, and we have sould it in tow parcells; the skin at 14s. li. and some at 16.; the coate at 20s. the pound. The accounts I have not sent you them this year, I will referr you to Mr. Winslow to tell you the reason of it; yet be assured that none of you shall suffer by the not having of them, if God spare me life. And wheras you say the 6. years are expired that the peopl put the trad into your and our hands for, for the discharge of that great debte which Mr. Allerton needlesly and unadvisedly ran you and us into; yet it was promised it should continue till our disbursments and ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it is done; we feele and know other wise, etc. I doubt not but we shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding all that hath been writen, on heath sids, aboute the Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a letter of atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may be of Mr. Allerton towards the satisfing of that great charge of the White Angell. And sure he hath bound him selfe, (though at present I cannot find it,) but he hath often affirmed, with great protestations, that neither you nor we should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough to discharg it, so as we shall have no more contesting aboute it. Yet, notwithstanding his unnaturall and unkind dealing with you, in the midest of justice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, etc. Set us out of debte, and then let us recone and reason togeither, etc. Mr. Winslow bath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am perswaded it will turne much to all your good. I leave him to relate per ticuleres, etc. 537.

Your loving freind,

London, Sep: 7. 1635.
This year they sustained an other great loss from the French. Monsier de Aulnaycoming into the harbore of Penobscote, and having before gott some of the cheefe that belonged to the house abord his vessell, by sutlty coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in; and after getting the rest into his power, he tooke possession of the house in the name of the king of France; and partly by threatening, and other wise, made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of the sale of the goods their unto him, of which he sett the price him selfe in effecte, and made an inventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but made no paymente for them; but tould them in convenient time he would doe it if they came for it. For the house and fortification, etc. he would not alow, nor accounte any thing, saing that they which build on another mans ground doe forfite the same. So thus turning them out of all, (with a great deale of complemente, and many fine words,) he let them have their shalop and some victualls to bring them home. Coming home and relating all the passages, they here were much troubled at it, and haveing had this house robbed by the French once before, and lost then above 500li. (as is before remembred), and now to loose house and all, did much move them. So as they resolved to consulte with their freinds in the Bay, and if they approved of it, (ther being now many ships ther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out the Frenhe, and recover it againe. Ther course was well approved on, if them selves could bear the charge; so they hired a fair ship of above 300. tune, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with the Ed (one Girling) to this effect: that he and his company should deliver them the house, (after they had driven out, or surprised the French,) and give them peacable possession therof, and of all such trading comodities as should ther be found; and give the French fair quarter and usage, if they would yeeld. In consideration wherof he was to have 700li. of beaver, to be delivered him ther, when he had done the thing; but if he did not accomplish it, he was to loose his labour, and have nothing. With him they also sent their ovine bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order things, if the house was regained; and then to pay him the beaver, which they keept abord their ovine barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither, and brought him safe into the harbor. But he was so rash and heady as he would take no advice, nor would suffer Captaine Standish to have time to summone them, (who had commission and order so to doe,) neither would doe it him selfe; the which, it was like, if it had been done, and they come to affaire parley, seeing their force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe execution, but begane to shoot at distance like a madd man, and did them no hurte at all; the which when those of the plantation saw, they were much greeved, and went to him and tould him he would doe no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoll shott of the house). At last, when he saw his ovine folly, he was perswaded, and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe some good, his powder was goone; for though he had . .peece of ordnance, it did now appeare he had but a barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could doe no good, but was faine to draw of againe; by which means the enterprise was made frustrate, and the French incouraged; for all the while that he shot so unadvisedly, they lay close under a worke of earth, and let him consume him selfe. He advised with the Captaine how he might be supplyed with powder, for he had not to carie him home; so he tould him he would goe to the next plantation, and doe his indeour to procure him some, and so did; but understanding, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on the barke, and surprise the beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought the barke and beaver home. But Girling never assaulted the place more, (seeing him selfe disapoyented,) but went his way; and this was the end of this bussines.538.

Upon the ill success of this bussines, the Govr and Assistants here by their leters certified their freinds in the Bay, how by , this ship they had been abused and disapoynted, and that the French partly had, and were now likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and likly to become ill neigbours to the English. Upon this they thus writ to them as folloeth:â?? 539.

Worthy Srs:
Upon the reading of your leters, and consideration of the waightines of the cause therin mentioned, the courts hath joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you with men and munition, for the accomplishing of your desires upon the French. But because here are none of yours that have authority to conclude of any thing herein, nothing can be done by us for the presente. We desire, therfore, that you would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, furnished with instructions from your selves, to make such agreemente with us about this bussines as may be usefull for you, and equall for us. So in hast we commits you to God, and remaine 540.

Your assured loving freinds,

New-towns, Octor 9. 1635.
Upon the receite of the above mentioned, they presently deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving them full power to conclude, according to the instructions they gave them, being to this purposs: that if they would afford such assistan6e as, togeather with their owns, was like to effects the thing, and allso bear a considerable parte of the charge, they would goe on; if not, they (having lost so much allready) should not be able, but must desiste, and waits further opportunitie as God should give, to help them selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came to the issue, they would be at no charge, but sente them this letter, and referd them more at large to their owns messengers.541.

Having, upon the consideration of your letter, with the message you sente, had some serious consultations aboute the great importance of your bussines with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed to conferr with us aboute the viage to Penobscote. We shewed our willingnes to help, but witball we declared our presente condition, and in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you sufficiente supply of men and munition. But for matter of moneys we have no authority at all to promise, and if we should, we should rather disapoynte you, then incourage you by that help, which we are not able to performe. We likewise thought it fitt to take the help of other Esterne plantations; but those things we leave to your owns wisdomes. And for other things we refer you to your owns committees,who are able to relate all the passages more at large. We salute you, and wish you all good success in the Lord.542.

Your faithfull and loving friend,

In the name of the rest of the Comities.
Boston, Octobr 16. 1635.
This thing did not only thus breake of, but some of their merchants shortly after sent to trad with them, and furnished them both with provissions, and poweder and shott; and so have continued to doe till this day, as they have seen opportunitie for their profite. So as in truth the English themselves have been the cheefest supporters of these French; for besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes near unto them) doth not only supply them with what they wante, but gives them continual) intelligence of all things that passes among the English, (espetially some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they still grow, and incroach more and more upon the English, and fill the Indeans with gunes and munishtion, to the great deanger of the English, who lye open and unfortified, living upon husbandrie; and the other closed up in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in good securitie. If these things be not looked too, and remeady provided in time, it may easily be conjectured what they may come toe; but I leave them.543.

This year, the 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) was such a mighty storme of wind and raine, as none living in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever saw. Being like (for the time it continued) to those Hauricanes and Tuffonsthat writers make mention of in the Indeas. It began in the morning, a litle before day, and grue not by degrees, but came with violence in the begining, to the great amasmente of many. It blew downe sundry houses, and uncovered others; diverce vessells were lost at sea, and many more in extreme danger. It caused the sea to swell (to the southward of this place) above 20. foote, right up and downe, and made many of the Indeans to clime into trees for their saftie; it tooke of the borded roofe of a house which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and floted it to another place, the posts still standing in the ground; and if it had continued long without the shifting of the wind, it is like it would have drouned some parte of the cuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in the midle, and the tall yonge oaks and walnut trees of good biggnes were wound like a withe, very strang and fearfull to behould. It begane in the southeast, and parted toward the south and east, and vered sundry ways; but the greatest force of it here was from the former quarters. It continued not (in the extremitie) above 5. or 6. houers, but the violence begane to abate. The signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years in these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered a great eclips the 2. night after it.544.

Some of their neighbours in the Bay, hereing of the fame of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind after it, (as was before noted,) and now understanding that the Indeans were swepte away with the late great mortalitie, the fear of whom was an obstacle unto them before, which being now taken away, they begane now to prosecute it with great egernes. The greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester plantation and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which they had not only purchased of the Indeans, but wher they had builte; intending only (if they could not remove them) that they should have but a smale moyety left to the house, as to a single family;whose doings and proceedings were conceived to be very injurious, to attempte not only to intrude them selves into the rights and possessions of others, but in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were the leters and passages that went betweene them hear aboute, which would be to long here to relate. 545.

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by their own agente from thence.546.

Sr: etc.
The Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some by water, and some by land, who are not yet determined wher to setle, though some have a great mind to the place we are upon, and which was last bought. Many of them look at that which this river will not afford, excepte it be at this place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have comodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they will doe I cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none of them say any thing.; to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I perceive their minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. I hope they will ,? hear reason; as that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty and danger, both in regard of the Dutch and Indeans, and bought the land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) and have since held here a chargable possession, and kept the Dutch from further incroaching, which would els long before this day have possessed all, and kept out all others, etc. I hope these and such like arguments will stoppe them. It was your will we should use their persons and messengers kindly, and so we have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge; for the first company had well nie starved had it not been for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply 12. men for 9. days -togeather; and those which came last, I entertained the best we could, helping both them (and the other) with canows, and guids. They gott me to goe with them to the Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them to have quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily withstand them. But this later company did not once speak therof, etc. Also I gave their goods house roome according to their ernest request, and Mr. Pinchonsletter in their behalfe (which I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble and charge I shall be further at I know not; for they are comming dayly, and I expecte these back againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw the countrie. All which trouble and charg we under goe for their occasion, may give us just cause (in the judgmente of all wise and understanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. Thus with my duty remembred, etc. I rest547.

Yours to be comanded

Matianuck, July 6. 1635.
Amongst the many agitations that pased betweene them, I shal note a few out of their last letters, and for the present omitte the rest, except upon other occasion I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow veiw of the place, they began to pitch them selves upon their land and near theirhouse; which occasioned much expostulation betweene them. Some of which are such as follow.548.

having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate and bring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon which God by his providence cast us, and as we conceive in a faire way of providence tendered it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon removal]. 549.

We shall notneed toanswer allthepassages ofyour largletter, etc. But wheras you say God in his providence cast you, etc., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) must now tell you still, that our mind is otherwise, and that you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon that which is your neigbours, and not yours; and in so doing, your way could not be faire unto it. Looke that you abuse not Gods providence in such allegations.550.


Now allbeiteweat first judged the place so free that we might with Gods good leave take and use it, without just offence to any man, it being the Lords wast, and for the presente altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded the imploymentetherof,to the right ends forwhich land was created Gen: l. 28. and for future intentions of any, and uncertaine possibilities of this or that to be done by any, we judging them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be equalled with presente actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to be prefered before them; and therfore did we make some weake beginings in that good worke, in the place afforesaid.552.

Ans : Their answer was to this effecte. That if it was the Lords wart, it was them selvesthat found it so, and not they; and have since bought it of the right oweners, and maintained a chargable p9ssession upon it al this while, as them selves could not but know. And because of present ingagments and other hinderances which lay at presente upon them, must it therfore be lawfull for them to goe and take it from them? It was well known that theyare upon a barren place, wher they were by necessitie cast; and neither they nor theirs could longe continue upon the same; and why should they(because they were more ready, and more able at presente) goe and deprive them of that which they had with charg and hazard provided, and intended to remove to, as soone as they could and were able?553.

They had another passage in their letter; they had rather have to doe with the lords in England, to whom (as they heard it reported) some of themshould say that they had rather give up their right to them, (if they must part with it,) then to the church of Dorchester, etc. And that they should be less fearfull to offend the lords, then they were them.554.

Ans: Their answer was, that what soever they had heard, (more then was true,) yet the case was not so with them that they had need to give away their rights and adventurs, either to the lords, or them; yet, if they might measure their fear of offence by their practise, they had rather (in that poynte) they should deal with the lords, who were beter able to bear it, or help them selves, then they were.555.

But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other things, and come to the conclusion that was made in the endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr from their thoughts, (they had enough of that about Kenebeck,) and to live in continuall contention with their freinds and brethren would be uncomfortable, and too heavie a burden to bear. Therfore for peace sake (though they conceived they suffered much in this thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon as good termes as they could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing that (because they had made so many and long disputs aboute it) they would have them to grante was, that they had right too it, or ells they would never treat aboute it. The which being acknowledged, and yeelded unto by them, this was the conclusion they came unto in the end after much adoe: that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. parte of all they had bought of the Indeans; and the other should have all the rest of the land; leaveing such a moyety to those of New-towne, as they reserved for them. This 16. part was to be taken in too places; one towards the house, the other towards New-townes proporrtion. Also they were to pay according to proportion, what had been disbursed to the Indeans for the purchass. Thus was the controversie ended, but the unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of Newtowne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could conveniently spare, from a competancie reserved for a plantation, for them selves; which made them the more carfull to procure a moyety for them, in this agreement and distribution.556.

Amongst the other bussinesses that Mr. Winslow had to doe in England, he had order from the church to provid and bring over some able and fitt man for to be their minister. And accordingly he had procured a godly and a worthy man, one Mr. Glover; but it pleased God when he was prepared for the viage, he fell sick of a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he was ready to come away, he became acquainted with Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place, otherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear; and if he liked better else wher, to repay the charge laid out for him, (which came to aboute 70li.) and to be at his liberty. He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came over, and was well liked of them, and much desired by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many rich and able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he wente to them, and is their minister. Aboute half of the charg was repayed, the rest he had for the pains he tooke amongst them.557.

Anno Dom: 1636.
MR. ED: WINSLOW was chosen Govthis year. 558.

In the former year, because they perceived by Mr. Winslows later letters that no accounts would be sente, they resolved to keep the beaver, and send no more, till they had them, or came to some further agreemente. At least they would forbear till Mr. Winslow came over, that by more full conference with him they might better understand what was meete to be done. But when he came, though he brought no accounts, yet he perswaded them to send the beaver, and was confident upon the receite of that beaver, and his letters, they should have accounts the nexte year; and though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave him this hope, and made him so confidente, yet by his importunitie they yeelded, and sente the same; ther being a ship at the latter end of year, by whom they sente 1150li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, besids sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, etc. And this year, in the spring, came in a Dutch man, who thought to have traded at the Dutch-forte; but they would not suffer him. He, having good store of trading goods, came to this place, and tendred them to sell; of whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very good and fitte for their turne, as Dutch roll, ketles, etc., which goods amounted to the valew of 500li., for the paymente of which they passed bills to Mr. Sherley in England, having before sente the forementioned parcell of beaver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other good round parcell that might come to his hands, and be sould before any of these bills should be due. The quantity of beaver now sent was 1809li: waight, and of otters 10. skins, and shortly after (the same year) was sent by another ship (Mr. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719li. waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which Mr. Sherley thus writs.559.

Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by Ed Wilkinson, Mr of the Falcon. Blessed be God for the safe coming of it. I have also seen and acceped 3. bills of exchainge, etc. But I must now acquainte you how the Lords heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly in this cittie, with his judgmente of the plague. The last weeks billwas 1200. and odd, I fear this will be more; and it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it is incredible the number of people that are gone into the cuntry and left the citie. I am perswaded many more then went out the last sicknes; so as here is no trading, carriors from most places put downe; nor no receiving of any money, though long due. Mr. Hall ows us more then would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in the cuntrie, 60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell the beaver at 8s. ppound, it would not yeeld money; but when the Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets; so it shall lye by. Before I accepted the bills, I acquainted Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Andrews with them, and how ther could be no money made nor received; and that it would be a great discredite to you, which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing 18001i. of beaver lying by us, and more oweing then the bills come too, etc. But all was nothing; neither of them both will put too their finger to help. I offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they neither would nor could, etc. How ever, your bils shall be satisfied to the parties good contente; but I would not have thought they would have left either you or me at this time, etc. You will and may expect I should write more, and answer your leters, but I am not a day in the weeke at home at downe, but carry my books and all to Clapham;for here is the miserablest time that I thinke hath been known in many ages. I have known 3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which should be a means to pacifie the Lord, and help us, that is taken away, preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in Westminster on the saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; the Lord in mercie looke uppon us. In the begining of the year was a great drought, and no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte up, haye at 5li. a load; and now all raine, so as much sommer corne and later haye is spoyled. Thus the Lord sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, nor humble our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier judgments, unless we speedyly repente, and returne unto him, which the Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest 560.

Your loving friend,

Sept: 14. 1636.
This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, by which Mr. Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they now resoloved to send no more beaver in that way which they had done, till they came to some issue or other aboute these things. But now came over letters from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp full of complaints, that they marveled that nothing was sent over, by which any of their moneys should be payed in; for it did appear by the accounte sente in An 1631. that they were each of them out, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not received one penie towards the same. But now Mr. Sherley sought to draw more money from them, and was offended because they deneyed him; and blamed them hear very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley, and nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, for they conceived that much of their moneis had been paid in, and that yearly each of them had received a proportionable quantity out of the larg returnes sent home. For they had sente home since that accounte was received in Ano 1631. (in which all and more then all their debts, with that years supply. was charged upon them) these sumes following. 561.

Novbr 18. Ano 1631. By Mr. Peirce 0400li. waight of beaver, and otters 20.
July 13. Ano 1632. By Mr. Griffin 1348li. beaver, and otters . 147.
Ano 1633. By Mr. Graves 3366li. bever, and otters . 346.
Ano 1634. By Mr. Andrews 3738li. beaver, and otters . 234.
Ano 1635. By Mr. Babb 1150li. beaver, and otters . 200.
June 24. Ano 1636. By Mr. Willkinson 1809li. beaver, and otters . 010.
Ibidem. By Mr. Langrume 0719li. beaver, and otters . 199.

All these sumes were safly rceived and well sould, as appears by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20s. pr pound, and some at 24s.; the skin at 15. and sometimes 16. I doe not remem ber any under 14. It may be the last year might be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs that are not recconed in this accounte, and some black beaver at higer rates, to make up the defects. It was conceived that the former parcells of beaver came to litle less then 10000li. sterling, and the otter skins would pay all the charge, and they with other furrs make up besids if any thing wanted of the former sume. When the former accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White-Angelle and Frendship included) came but to 4770li. And they could not estimate that all the supplies since sent them, and bills payed for them, could come to above 2000li. so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with advantage or intrest. But it may be objected, how comes it that they could not as well exactly sett dowse their receits, as their returnes, but thus estimate it. I answer, 2. things were the cause of it; the first and principall was, that the new accountante, which they in England would needs presse upon them, did wholy faile them, and could never give them any accounte; but trusting to his memorie, and lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, that neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such a time of leasure, and he would doe it. In the intrime he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell out he could make no accounte at all. His books were after a litle good begining left altogeather unperfect; and his papers, some were lost, and others so confused, as he knew not what to make of them him selfe, when they came to be searched and examined. This was not unknowne to Mr. Sherley; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; for they conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds for goods trusted out in the place, which were lost for want of clear accounts to call them in. Another reason of this mischeefe was, that after Mr. Winslow was sente into England to demand accounts, and to excepte against the Whit-Angell, they never had any price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to guesse at the prises of them. 562.

They write back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, and tould them they marveled they should write they had sent nothing home since the last accounts; for they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be marveled how they could be able to send so much, besids defraying all charg at home, and what they had lost by the French, and so much cast away at sea, when Mr. Peirce lost his ship on the coast of Virginia. What they had sente was to them all, and to them selves as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they did not looke after it, it was their owne falts; they must referr them to Mr. Sherley, who had received it, to demand it of him. They allso write to Mr. Sherley to the same purposs, and what the others complaints were.563.

This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods from the Massachusetts of such as removed theither to plante, were in an easterly storme cast away in coming into this harbore in the night; the boats men were lost, and the goods were driven all alonge the shore, and strowed up and downe at highwater marke. But the Govr caused them to be gathered up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some to take an inventory of them, and others to wash and drie such things as had neede therof ; by which means most of the goods were saved, and restored to the owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoanscusett,and such goods as came a shore were preserved for them. Such crosses they mette with in their beginings; which some imputed as a correction from God for their intrution (to the wrong of others) into that place. But I dare not be bould with Gods judgments in this kind. 564.

In the year 1634, the Pequentg (a stoute and warlike people), who had made warrs with sundry of their neigbours, and puft up with many victories, grue now at varience with the Nariw gansets, a great people bordering upon them. These Narigav sets held correspondance and termes of freindship with th English of the Massachusetts. Now the Pequents, being con scious of the guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they knew to be an-English man, as also those that were with him, and being fallen out with the Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once, sought to make freindship with the English of the Massachusetts; and for that end sent both messengers and gifts unto them, as appears by some letters sent from the Govr hither.565.

Dear and worthy Sr: etc.
To let you know somwhat of our affairs, you may understand that the Pequents have sent some of theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered much wampum and beaver, etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with the next we had diverce dayes conferance, and taking the advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace and freindship with them, upon these conditions: that they should deliver up to us those men who were guilty of Stones death, etc. And if we desired to plant in Conightecute, they should give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade with them as our freinds (which was the cheefe thing we aimed at, being now in warn with the Dutch and the rest of their neigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Narigansetts; for which end they were contente we should give the Narigansets parte of that presente, they would bestow on us (for they stood so much on their honour, as they would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As for Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had any hand in his death; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them by force to shew him the way up the river;and he with 2. other coming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe in the night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some of them going afterwards to the pinass, it was suddainly blowne up. We are now preparing to send a pinass unto them, etc. 566.

In an other of his, dated the 12. of the first month, he hath this.567.

Our pinass is latly returned from the Pequents; they put of but litle comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they mean to have no more to doe with them. I have diverce other things to write unto you, etc. 568.

Yours ever assured,

Boston, 12. of the 1. month, 1634.
After these things, and, as I take, this year, John Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now an inhabitant of the Massachusetts, went with a small vessell, and slenderly mand, a trading into these south parts, and upon a quarell betweene him and the Indeans was cutt of by them (as hath been before noted) at an iland called by the Indeans Munisses, but since by the English Block Band.This, with the former about the death of Stone, and the baffoylingof the Pequents with the English of the Massachusetts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and require satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially, and without their acquainting of those of Conightecute and other neighbours with the same, as they did litle good. But their neigbours had more hurt done, for some of the murderers of Oldome fled to the Pequents, and though the English went to the Pequents, and had some parley with them, yet they did but delude them, and the English returned without doing any thing to purpose, being frustrate of their oppertunitie by the others deceite. After the English were returned, the Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of some of the English as they passed in boats, and went on fouling, and assaulted them the next spring at their habytations, as will appear in its place. I doe but touch these things, because I make no question they will be more fully and distinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them, and whom they did more properly concerne.569.

This year Mr. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, partly by his ovine willingnes, as thinking it too heavie a burthen, and partly at the desire, and by the perswasion, of others; and the church sought out for some other, having often been disappointed in their hops and desires heretofore. And it pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly man,and of a meeke and humble spirite, sound in the truth, and every way unreproveable in his life and conversation; whom, after some time of triall, they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours they injoyed many years with much comforte, in peace, and good agreemente.570.

Anno Dom: 1637.
IN the fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly upon the English at Conightecute, in the lower parts of the river, and slew sundry of them, (as they were at work in the feilds,) both men and women, to the great terrour of the rest; and wente away in great prid and triumph, with many high threats. They allso assalted a fort at the rivers mouth, though strong and well defended; and though they did not their prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear and astonishmente to see their bould attempts in the face of danger; which made them in all places to stand upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and ernestly to solissite their freinds and confederate in the Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for more forcible assaults. Mr. Vane,being then Govr, write from their Generall Courte to them hear, to joyne with them in this wary; to which they were cordially willing, but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some former things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The which will best appear in the Govanswer which he returned to the same, which I shall here inserte.571.

Sr: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late Govis fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I might have been at more freedome of time and thoughts also, that I might have done it more to your and my ovine satisfaction. But what shall be wanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For the matters which from your selfe and counsell were propounded and objected to us, we thought not fitte to make them so publicke as the cognizance of our Generall Courte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you signifie your willingnes to joyne with us in this warn against the Pequents, though you cannot ingage your selves without the consente of your Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your full resolution, when it may most seasonably be ripened. (P.) Wheras you make this warn to be our peopls, and not to conceirne your selves, otherwise then by consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin; yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you; and withall we conceive that you looke at the Pequents, and all other Indeans, as a commone enimie, who, though he may take occasion of the begining of his rage, from some one parte of the English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to the rooting out of the whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, we did it not without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (P.) Wheras you desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise then as reason may guid and provock you; so we desire we may be at the like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from us. Ano` Wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide you against the French; we conceive the case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (P.) Weras you objecte that we began the warr without your privitie, and managed it contrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being only against Block Iland, and the interprice seeming of small difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we had resolved upon the Pequents, we sent presently, or not long after, to you aboute it; but the answer received, it was not seasonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out waged our owne.572.

(5ly.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us; and what we have provided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you573.

And (6ly); Wheras you objecte to us that we should hold trade and! correspondancie with the French, your enemise; we answer, you are mil-, informed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our late Govr and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente nor encouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for the better conveance of our letters, had licens from our Gov` to sayle thither.574.

Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy freind, wherunto he received some answer: but most of them concerning the apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some per ticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other answer to them then this; that, if the offenders shall be brought forth in a right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as the case shall require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without our privity, and not a litle greeveous to us. 575.

Now for the joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz.: the releeving of our freinds and Christian breethren, who are now first in the danger; though you may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if the Lord please to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight with you. (First) that if we should sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves ther, with 3. times the charge and hazard which now ye may. 2ly. The sorrowes which we should lye under (if through your neglect) would much abate of the acceptablenes of your help afterwards. 3ly. Those of yours, who are now full of courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so less able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end before the end of this sommer, otherwise the newel of it will discourage both your and our freinds from coming to us next year; with what further hazard and losse it may expose us unto, your selves may judge. 576.

The (3.) thing is this, that if the Lord shall please to blesse our endeaours, so as we end the warr, or put it in a hopefull way without you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards us, as were fitt to be nurished among such neigbours and brethren as we are. And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may fear, and would rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest 577.

Yours most assured in the Lord,

Boston, the 20. of the 3. month, 1637.
In the mean time, the Pequents, espetially in the winter before, sought to make peace with the Narigansets, and used very pernicious arguments to move them therunto: as that the English were stranegels and begane to overspred their countrie, and would deprive them therof in time, if they were suffered to grow and increse; and if the Narigansetsdid assist the English to subdue them, they did but make way for their owne overthrow, for if theywere rooted out, the Englishwould soone takeoccasion to subjugate them; and if they would harken to them, they should not neede to fear the strength of the English; for theywould not come to open battle with them, but fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for them as they went abroad upon their occasions; and all this they might easily doe without any or litle danger to them selves. The which course being held, theywell sawthe Englishconldnot long subsiste, but theywould either be starved with hunger, or be forced to forsake the countrie; with many the like things; insomuch that the Narigansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to have made peace with them, and joyned against the English. But againe when they considered, how much wrong they had received from the Pequents, and what an oppertunitie they now had by the help of the English to right them selves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all the rest; so as they resolved to joyne with the English against them, and did. The Court here agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and with as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, and had made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and provided a barke to carrie them provisions and tend upon them for all occasions; but when they were ready to march (with a supply from the Bay) they had word to stay, for the enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no neede.578.

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceedings in these things, because I expecte it will be fully done by them selves, who best know the carrage and circumstances of things; I shall therfore but touch them in generall. From Connightecute (who were most sencible of the hurt sustained, and the present danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an other partie mett them from the Bay, at the Narigansets, who were to joyne with them. The Narigansets were ernest to be gone before the English were well rested and refreshte, espetially some of them which came last. It should seeme their desire was to come upon the enemie sudenly, and undiscovered. Ther was a barke of this place, newly put in ther, which was come from Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay hold of the Indeans forwardnes, and to skew as great forwardnes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedition might prove to their great advantage. So they went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans brought them to a forte of the enimies (in which most of their cheefe men were) before day. They approached the same with great silence, and surrounded it both with English and Indeans, that they might not breake out; and so assualted them with great courage, shooting amongst them, and entered the forte with all speed; and those that first entered found sharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott at and grapled with them; others rane into their houses, and brought out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone tooke in their matts, and, standing close togeather, with the wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were burnte to death then was otherwise slain; it burnte their bowstrings, and made them unservisable. Those that scaped the fire were slaine with the sword; some hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers, so as they were quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was conceived they thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see them thus frying in the fyer, and the streams of blood quenching the same, and horrible was the stinck and sente ther of; but the victory seemed a sweete sacrifice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who had wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a victory over so proud and insulting an enimie. The Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute, but aloofe from all danger, and left the whole execution to the English, exept it were the stoping of any that broke away, insulting over their enimies in this their ruine and miserie, when they saw them dancing in the flames, calling them by a word in their owne language, signifing, O brave Pequents! which they used familierly among them selves in their own prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories. After this servis was thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the water side, wher they mett with some of their vesells, by which they had refreishing with victualls and other necessaries. But in their march the rest of the Pequents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to have some advantage against them by reason of a neck of land; but when they saw the English prepare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither did hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreishing and repair to geather for further counselt and directions, theyresolved to pursue theirvictory, and followthewarr against the rest, but the Narigansett Indeans most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they had with them for guids, or otherwise, they found them very could and backward in the bussines, ether out of envie, or that they saw the English would make more profite of the victorie then they were willing they should, or els deprive them of such advantage as them selves desired by having them become tributaries unto them, or the like.579.

For the rest of this bussines, I shall only relate the same as it is in a leter which came from Mr. Winthrop to the Govr hear, as followeth.580.

Worthy Sr:
I received your loving letter, and am much provocked to express my affections towards you, but straitnes of time forbids me; for my desire is to acquainte you with the Lords greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing against his and our enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing costed along towards the Dutch plantation, (some times by water, but most by land,) mett hear and ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, and beheaded; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe and find him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, but Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was gone, fled away with some 20. more to the Mowakes, so our men missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and ranging up and downe, as the providence of God guided them (for the Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not whither to guide them, or els would not), upon the 13. of this month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. strong men, and 200. women and children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous swamp,’which they all slipped into before our men could gett to them. Our captains were not then come togeither, but ther was Mr. Ludlow and Captaine Masson, with some 10. of their men, and Captaine Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at the Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at the noyse. Then they gave order to surround the swampe, it being aboute a mile aboute; but Levetenante Davenporte and some 12. more, not hearing that command, fell into the swampe among the Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with shrub-wonde, and so boggie with all, that some of them stuck fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Davenport was dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott in the head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to have been taken by the Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, and Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse of the Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne out, the Indeans desired parley, and were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves, they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in the English blood. Wherupon the sachem of the place came forth, and an old man or 2. and their wives and children, and after that some other women and children, and so they.spake 2. hovers, till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call them forth; but they said they would selle their lives their, and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out, and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our ` men cutt of a place of the swampe with their swords, and cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could easier kill them throw the thickets. So they continued all the night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and the Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they pierced their hatte brimes, and their sleeves, and stockins, and other parts of their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as not one of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into the swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of them which were left dropt away betweene our men, though they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly discovered, and some killed in the pursute. Upon searching of the swampe, the nexk morning, they found 9. slaine, and some they pulled up, whom the Indeans had buried in the mire, so as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not’20. did escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight of theirwounds received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of the river, and the rest to us. Of these we send the male children to Bermuda,by Mr. William Peirce, and the women and maid children are disposed! aboute in the townes. Ther have been now slaine and taken, in all, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive them. 2. of the sachems of Long ,. Rand came to Mr. Stoughton and tendered them selves to be tributaries:’.] under our protection. And 2. of the Neepnettsachems have been with me to seeke our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have the wife and children of Mononotto, a women of a very modest countenance and be haviour. It was by her mediation that the 2. English maids were spared from death, and were kindly used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her first requests was, that the English would not abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken from her. Those which were wounded were fetched of soone by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded men tv the pinnass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, with Mr. Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people are all in health, (the Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched in their armes all the day, and had been in fight all the night, yet they professed they found them selves so fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussines. This is the substance of that which I received, though I am forced to omite many considerable circumstances. So, being in much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within this 4. days, and in them the Lord Leeand Mr. Vane,) I hear breake of, and with harty saluts to, etc., I rest 581.

Yours assured,

The 28. of the 5. month, 1637.
JOo Winthrop
The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sassacouse and Monotto are yet living.
That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassacouse (the Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to the Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with some other of the cheefe of them, whether to satisfie the English, or rather the Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe it,) or for their owne advantage, I well know not; but thus this warn tooke end. The rest of the Pequents were wholy driven from their place, and some of them submitted them selves to the Narigansets, and lived under them; others of them betooke themselves to the Monhiggs, under Uncass, their sachem, with the approbation of the English of Conightecutt, under whose protection Uncass lived, and he and his men had been faithful to them in this wary, and done them very good service. But this did so vexe the Narrigansetts, that they had not the whole sweay over them, as they have never ceased plotting and contriving how to bring them under, and because they cannot attaine their ends, because of the English who have protected them, they have sought to raise a generall conspiratie against the English, as will appear in an other place.582.

They had now letters atane out of England from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, that Mr. Sherley neither had nor would pay them any money, or give them any accounte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to send them some, much blaming them still, that they had sent all to Mr. Sherley, and none to them selves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, and some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet because they beleeved that they were realy out round sumes of money, (espetialy Mr. Andrews,) and they had some in their hands, they resloved to send them what bever they had.Mr. Sherleys letters were to this purpose: that, as they had left him in the paiment of the former bills, so he had tould them he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should find it true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never gett peney from him, nor bring him to any accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in the Chancerie. But they all of them turned their complaints against them here, wher ther was least cause, and who had suffered most unjustly; first from Mr. Allerton and them, in being charged with so much of that which they never had, nor drunke for; and now in paying all, and more then all (as they conceived), and yet still thus more demanded, and that with many heavie charges. They now discharged Mr. Sherley from his agencie, and forbad him to buy or send over any more goods for them, and prest him to come to some end about these things.583.

Anno Dom: 1638.
This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov.584.

Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for robery and murder which they had committed; their names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who was also guilty, but he escaped away, and could not be found. This Arthur Peach was the cheefe of them, and the ring leader of all the rest. He was a lustie and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of the souldiers in the Pequente wary, and had done as good servise as the most ther, and one of the forwardest in any attempte. And being now out of means, and loath to worke, and falling to idle courses and company, he intended to goe to the Dutch plantation; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants and apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther was allso of his secret going away in this maner; he was not only rune into debte, but he had gott a maid with child, (which was not known till after his death,) a mans servante in the towne, and fear of punishmente made him gett away. The other 3. complotting with him, ranne away from their maisters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they went not the ordinarie way, but shaped such a course as they thought to avoyd the pursute of any. But falling into the way that lyeth betweene the Bay of Massachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of the way, by the way side. At length ther came a Narigansett Indean by, who had been in the Bay a trading, and had both cloth and beads aboute him. (They had meett him the day before, and he was now returning.) Peach called him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came and sate downe with them. Peach tould the other he would kill him, and take what he had from him. But they were some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him, rougue, he had killed many of them. So they let him alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his time, he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once or twice, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were gone, and made shift to gett home,) but dyed within a few days after,) by which means they were discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For they desiring a canoes to sett them over a water, (not thinking their facte had been known,) by the sachems command they were carried to Aquidnett Iland, and they accused of the murder, and were examend and comitted upon it by the English ther. The Indeans sent for Mr. Williams,and made a greeveous complainte; his freinds and kinred were ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, some conceiving they should now find the Pequents words trees: that the English would fall upon them. But Mr. Williams pacified them, and tould them they should see justice done upon the offenders; and wente to the man, and tooke Mr. James, a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, and in what maner it was done; but the phisition found his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he after testified upon othe, before the jurie in oppen courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both Mr. Williams, Mr. James, and some Indeans testified in courte. The Govrt in the Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd it hither, because it was done this jurisdiction,but pressed by all means that justice might be done in it; or els the countrie must rise and see justice done, otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet some of the rude and ignorante sorte murmured that any English should be put to death for the Indeans. So at last they of the iland brought them hither, and being often examened, and the evidence pro. dused, they all in the end freely confessed in effect all that the Indean accused them of, and that they had done it, in the maner afforesaid; and so, upon the forementioned evidence; were cast by the jurie, and condemned, and executed for the same. And some of the Narigansett Indeans, and of the parties freinds, were presente when it was done, which gave them and all the count rie good satisfaction’ But it was a matter of much sadnes to them hear, and was the 2. execution which they had since they came; being both for wilfull murder, as hath bene before related. Thus much of this mater. 585.

They received this year moreletters from England full of reneued complaints, on the one side, that they could gett no ‘: money nor accounte from Mr. Sherley; and he againe, that he was pressed therto, saying he was to accounte with those hear, and not with them, etc. So, as was before resolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they would now send them what they could, as supposing, when some good parte was payed-` them, that Mr. Sherley and they would more easily agree aboute the remainder. 586.

So they sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, by Mrs Joseph Yonge, in the Mary and Anne, 1325li. waight of beaver, devided betweene them. Mr. Beachamp returned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400li. starling of it, fraight and all charges paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had the more and beter parte, yet he made not so much of his, through his owne indiscretion; and yet turned the lossupon them hear, but without cause.587.

They sent them more by bills and other paimente, which was received and acknowledged by them, in moneyand the like; which was for katle sould of Mr. Allertons, and the price of a bark sold, which belonged to the stock, and made over to them in money, 434li. sterling. The whole sume was 1234li. sterling, save what Mr. Andrews lost in the beaver, which was otherwise made good. But yet this did not stay their clamors, as will apeare here after more at large. 588.

It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse the cuntry with such access and confluance of people into it, as it was therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine were sould at 20li. and some at 25li. a peece, yea, some times at 28li. A cow-catle usually at 10li. A milch goate at 3li. and some at 4li. And femall kids at 30s. and often at 40s. a peece. By which means the anciente planters which had any stock begane to grow in their estats. Come also wente at a round rate, viz. 6s. a bushell. So as other trading begane to be neglected; and the old partners (having now forbidded Mr. Sherley to send them any more goods) broke of their trade at Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no longer. But some of them, (with other they joyned with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinuance, agreed with the company for it, and gave them aboute the 6. parte of their gainer for it; with the first fruits of which they builte a house for a prison;and the trade ther hath been since continued, to the great benefite of the place; for some well fore-sawe that these high prises of corne and catle would not long continue, and that then the commodities ther raised would be much missed.589.

This year, aboute the 1. or 2. of June, was a great and fearfull earthquake; it was in this place heard before it was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or low murmure, like unto remoate thunder; it came from the norward, and pased southward. As the noyse aproched nerer, they earth begane to shake, and came at length with that violence as caused platters, dishes, and such like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter and fall downe; yea, persons were afraid of the houses themselves. It so fell oute that at the same time diverse of the cheefe of this towne were mett together at one house, conferring with some of their freinds that were upon their removall from the place, (as if the Lord would herby shew the signes of his displeasure, in their shaking a peetes and re movalls one from an other.) How ever it was very terrible for the time, and as the men were set talking in the house, some women and others were without the Bores, and the earth shooke with that violence as they could not stand without catching hould of the posts and pails that stood next them; but the violence lasted not long. And about halfe an hower, or less, came an other noyse and shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as the former, but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It was not only on the sea coast, but the Indeans felt it within land; and some ships that were upon the coast were shaken by it. So powerfull is the mighty hand of the Lord, as to make both the earth and sea to shake, and the mountaines to tremble before him, when he pleases; and who can stay his hand? It was observed that the sommers, for divers years togeather after this earthquake, were not so hotte and seasonable for the ripning of come and other fruits as formerly; but more could and moyst, and subjecte to erly and untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean come came not to maturitie; but whether this was any cause, I leave it to naturallists to judge. 590.

Anno Dom: 1639. and Anno Dom: 1640.
THEsF, 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them fell not out many things more then the ordinary passages of their commode affaires, which are not needfull to be touched. Those of this plantation having at sundrie times granted lands for severall townships, and amongst the rest to the inhabitants of Sityate, some wherof issewed from them selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4. London partners in that place, viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beacham, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley’s request and choss it was by him taken for him selfe and them in that place; for the other 3. had invested him with power and trust to chose for them. And this tracte of land extended to their utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their neigbours of the Massachusets, who had some years after seated a towne (called Hingam) on their lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue great difference betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their people, and measure and stack them out. The other pulled up their stacks, and threw them. So it grew to a controversie betweene the 2. goverments, and many letters and passages were betweene them aboute it; and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte of Massachusets appointed some to range their line according to the bounds of their patente, and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in all Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on the other hand, according to the line of the patente of this place,it would take in Hingame and much more within their bounds.591.

In the end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners of each side, and to give them full and absolute power to agree and setle the bounds betwene them; and what they should doe in the case should stand irrevocably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude; for their comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river, or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend their limits, and 3. myles further to the southward; or from the most southward parte of the Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further.But they chose to stand on the former termes, for they had found a smae river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in land trended southward, and issued into some part of that river taken to be Charles-river, and from the most southerly part of this, and 3. mile more southward of the same, they would rune a line east to the sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say they) take in a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne that though this patente and plantation were much the ancienter, yet this inlargmente of the same (in which Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs were first to take place, before this inlargmente. Now their answer was, first, that, however according to their owne plan, they could noway come upon any part of their ancieante grante. 2ly. They could never prove that to be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew not which was Charles-river, but as the people of this place, which came first, imposed such a name upon that river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte (supposing that was it, which Captaine Smith in his mapp so named). Now they that first named it have best reason to know it, and to explaine which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare as it was by them navigated, and that was as farr as a boate could goe. But that every runlett or small brooke, that should, farr within land, come into it, or mixe their stremes with it, and were by the natives called by other and differente names from it, should now by them be made Charles-river, or parts of it, they saw no reason for it. And gave instance in $umber, in Old England, which had the Trente, Ouse, and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet were not counted parts of it; and many smaler rivers and broks fell into the Trente, and Ouse, and no parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions and nominations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they had no east line in their patente, but were to begine at the sea, and goe west by a line, etc. At this meeting no conclution was made, but things discussed and well prepared for an issue. The next year the same commissioners had their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded the mater, as followeth.592.

The agreemente of the bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massachusetts.
Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by the 2. jurisdictions, the one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John Endecott, gent: and Israell Stoughton, gent: the other of New-Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Govr, and Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for the setting out, setling, and determining of the bounds and limites of the lands betweene the said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente age, but the posteritie to come may live peaceably and quietly in that bebalfe. And for as much as the said comissioners on both sids have full power so to doe, as appeareth by the records of both jurisdictions; we therfore, the said comissioners above named, doe hearby with one consente and agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all the marshes at Conahasett that lye of the one side of the river next to Hingam, shall belong to the jurisdition of Massachusetts Plantation; and all the marshes that lye on the other side of the river next to Sityate, shall be long to the jurisdiction of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at the mouth of the river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby agree, conclude, and detirmine shall belong to the jurisdition of Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and conclude, that the bounds of the limites betweene both the said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from the mouth of the brook that runetb into Chonahasett marches (which we call by the name of Bound-brooke) with a stright and directe line to the midle of a great ponde, that lyeth on the right hand of the uper path, or commone way, that leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to the path as we goe alonge, which was formerly named (and still we desire may be caled) Accord pond,lying aboute five or 6. myles from Weimoth southerley; and from thence with a straight line to the souther-most part of Charles-river, and 3. miles southerly, inward into the countrie, according as is expresed in the patente granted by his Mat” to the Company of the Massachusetts Plantation. Provided allways and never the less concluded and determined by mutualagreemente betweene the said comissioners, that if it fall out that the said line from Accord-pond to the sothermost parte of Charlesriver, and 3. myles southerly as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any plantation begune by the Govert of New-Plimoth, or hereafter to be begune within 10. years after the date of these psnta, that then, notwithstanding the said line, it shall be lawful’for the said Govrt of New-Plimoth to assume on the northerly side of the said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will make up the quantity of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to [be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree, determine, and conclude to appertaine and belong to the said Govrt of New-Plimoth. And wheras the said line, from the said brooke which runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound-brooke, and the pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere the lands belonging to the tounships of Sityate and Hingam, we doe therfore hereby determine and conclude, that if any devissions allready made and recorded, by either the said townships, doe crose the said line, that then it shall stand, and be of force according to the former intents and purposes of the said townes granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And that no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but containe them selves within the said lines expressed. In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions, doe by these presents indented set our hands and seales the ninth day of the 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine lord, king Charles; and in the year of our Lord, 1640. 593.

Wheras the patentewas taken in the name of William Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in. these termes: To him, his heires, and associates and assignes; and now the noumber of free-men being much increased, and diverce tounships established and setled in severall quarters of the govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe after, Seacunke (called afterward, at the desire of the inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by the Courte desired that William Bradford should make a surrender of the same into their hands. The which he willingly did, in this maner following.594.

Whereas William Bradford, and diverce others the first instruments of God in the beginning of this great work of plantation, togeather with such as the allordering hand of God in his providence soone added unto them, have been at very great charges to procure the lands, priviledges, and freedoms from all intanglments, as may appeare by diverse and sundrie deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of debts, etc., by reason wherof the title to the day of these presents remaineth in the said William Bradford, his heires, associats, and assignes: now, for the better setling of the estate of the said lands (contained in the grant or pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first instruments termed and called in sondry orders upon publick recorde, The Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetiall, the one bearing date the 3. of March, 1639. the other in Des: the 1. Ano 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation and agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other the freemen and inhabitants of the said corporation. Be it knowne unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the said William Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with the said purchasers, doe only reserve unto them selves, their heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in the said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date the first of Des: 1640. viz. first, from the bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles to the eastward of Naemschatet,and from sea to sea, cruse the neck of land. The 2. of a place called Aeoughcouss, which lyeth in the botome of the bay adjoyning to the west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to the westerne side of the said river, to an other place called Acushente river, which entereth at the westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to the eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into the countrie. The 3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Cawsumsett neck,) which is the cheefe habitation of the Indeans, and reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into the land 8. myles through the whole breadth therof. Togeather with such other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are personally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former titles or grante whatsoever. And the said William Bradford doth, by the free and full consente, approbation, and agreemente of the said old-planters, or purchasers, together with the liking, approbation, and acceptation of the other parte of the said corporation, surrender into the hands of the whole courte, consisting of the free-men of this corporation of NewPlimoth, all that other right and title, power, authority, priviledges, immunities, and freedomes granted in the said letters patents by the said right Honble Counsell for New-England; reserveing his and their personall right of freemen, together with the said old planters afforesaid, excepte the said lands before excepted, declaring the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all such as shal be legally admitted into the same, his associate. And the said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, and assignes, doe hereby further promise and grant to doe and performe whatsoever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for the better confirming and establishing the said premises, as by counsel lerned in the lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised, when he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the said letters patents actually into the hands and power of the said courte, binding him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignee to deliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or may concerne the same. 595.

In these 2. years they had sundry letters out of England to send one over to end the buissines and accounte with Mr. Sherley; who now professed he could not make up his accounts without the help of some from hence, espetialy Mr. Winslows. They had serious thoughts of it, and the most parte of the partners hear thought it best to send; but they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters as Mr. Winslow was neither willing to goe, nor that any other of the partners should; for he was perswaded, if any of them wente, they should be arested, and an action of such a summe layed upon them as they should not procure baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would bring them to what they liste; or other wise they might be brought into trouble by the arch-bishops means, as the times then stood. But, notwithstanding, they weer much inclined to send, and Captaine Standish was willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they could not all agree in this thing, and that it was waighty, and the consequence might prove dangerous, to take Mr. Winthrops advise in the thing, and the rather, because Mr. Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with the differences betweene them, and appoynted him for his assigne to receive his parte of the debte. (And though they deneyed to pay him any as a debte, till the controversie was ended, yet they had deposited 110li. in money in his hands for Mr. Andrews, to pay to him in parts as soone as he would come to any agreement with the rest.) But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslows minde, and disswaded them from sending; so they broak of their resolution from sending, and returned this answer: that the times were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered formerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in the Fleete, and it was long before he could gett out, to both his and their great loss and damage; and times were not better, but worse, in that respects. Yet, that their equall and honest minds might appeare to all men, they made them this tender: to refferr the case to some gentle-men and marchants in the Bay of the Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived their aver many of their aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them then the partners hear,) and let them be informed in the case by both sids, and have all the evidence that could be prodused, in writing, or other wise; and they would be bound to stand to their determination, and make good their award, though it should cost them all they had in the world. But this did not please them, but they were offended at it, without any great reasone for ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear accountes, the partners here could not, by reason they (to their smarte) were failed by the accountante they sent them, and Mr. Sherley pretened he could not allso,) save as they conceived it a disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of the place and other concurring circomstances. So this came to nothing; and afterward Mr. Sherley write, that if Mr. Winslow would mett him in France, the Low-Countries, or Scotland, let the place be knowne, and he come to him ther. But in regard of the troubles that now begane to arise in our owne nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effecte. That which made them so desirous to bring things to an end was partly to stope the clamours and aspertions raised and cast upon them hereaboute; though they conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, and had most cause of complainte; and partly because they feared the fall of catle, in which most.parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare; for they fell indeede before they came to a conclusion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before was worth 20li., and would so have passed in any paymente, fell now to 5li. and would yeeld no more; and a goate that wente at 3li. or 50s. would now yeeld but 8. or 108. at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it would be by degrees; and not to be from the highest pitch at once to the lowest, as it did, which was greatly to the damage of many, and the undoing of some. An other reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and indeed a rare thing it was that so many partners should all live together so many years as these did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon their children and posteritie, who might be driven to remove places, as they had done; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed. But this bussmes must yet rest; the next year gave it more ripnes, though it rendred them less able to pay, for the reasons afforesaid. 596.

Anno Dom: 1641.
MR. SHERLEY being weary of this controversie, and desirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to Mr. John Atwode and Mr. William Collier, 2. of the inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaintance, and desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an end, by advising and counselling the partners hear, by some way to bring it to a composition, by mutualil agreemente. And he write to them selves allso to that end, as by his letter may apeax; so much therof as concernse the same I shall hear relate.597.

Sr. My love remembered, etc. I have write so much concerning the ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know not what more to write, etc. If you desire an end, as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise; that is, to perfecte all accounts, from the first to the last, etc. Now if we find this difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been so stricte and carefull as we should and oughte to have done, as for my owns parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to remisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, etc. I fear you can never make a perfects accounts of all your pety viages, out, and home too and againe, etc.’ So then the second way must be, by biding, or compounding; and this way, first or last, we must fall upon, etc. If we must wary at law for it, doe not you expects from me, nether will I from you, but to cleave the here, and then I dare say the lawyers will be most gainers, etc. Thus let us set to the works, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways suffer in my name and estate. And you are not free; nay, the gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth the professors of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, and now able, should combine and joyne togeather to oppress and burden me, etc. Fear not to make a faire and reasonable offer; beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong you; or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and let him have such full power and authority as we may ende by compounding; or else, the accounts so well and fully made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be God, the times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you returne to your native countrie againe, and have such freedome and libertie as the word of God prescribs. Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now, God hath miraculously confounded them and turned all their popish and Machavillian plots and projects on their owne heads, etc. Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our perticular ticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a litle that we may meete, etc. Be you and all yours kindly saluted, etc. So I ever rest, 598.

Your loving friend,

Clapham, May 18. 1641.
Being thus by this leter, and allso by Mr. Atwodes and Mr. Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an end, (and the continuall clamors from the rest,) and by none more urged then by their own desires, they tooke this course (because many scandals had been raised upon them). They apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet on a certaine day, and called some other freinds on both sids, and Mr. Free-man, brother in law to Mr. Beachamp, and having drawne up a collection of all the remains of the stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark, and all implements belonging to the same, as they were used in the time of the trad, were they better or worse, with the remaines of all commodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or any thing els, as well the refuse as the more vendible, with all debts, as well those that were desperate as others more hopefull; and having spent diverse days to bring this to pass, having the helpe of all bookes and papers, which either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who was their accountante; and they found the sume in all to arise (as the things were valued) to aboute 1400li. And they all of them tooke a voluntary but a sollem oath, in the presence one of an other, and of all their frends, the persons abovesaid that were now presente, that this was all that any of them knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did the like for his parte. But the truth is they wronged them selves much in the valuation, for they reconed some catle as they were taken of Mr. Allerton, as for instance a cowe in the hands of one cost 25li. and so she vas valued in this accounte; but when she came to be past away in parte of paymente, after the agreemente, she would be accepted but at 4li. 15s. Also, being tender of their oaths, they brcught in all they knew owing to the stock; but they had not made the like diligente search what the stocke might owe to any, so as many scattering debts fell upon afterwards more then n-)w they knew of.599.

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente betweene Mr Atwode, on Mr. Sherleys behalfe, and them selves. The effecte is as folloeth.600.

Articles o f agreemente ruade and concluded upon the 15. day o f October, 1641. etc.
Imo: Wheras ther was a partnership for diverse years agreed upon betweene James Sherley, John Beachaam, and Richard Andrews, of London, marchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John A?ldon, and John Howland, with Isaack Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines and other furrs arising in New-England; the terme of which said partnership being expired, and diverse summes of money in goods adventured into NewEngland by the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, and many large retunes made from New-England by the said William Bradford, Ed: Winslow, ets.; and differance arising aboute the charge of 2. ships, the one called the White Angele, of Bristol, and the other the Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, ets.; which said ships and their viages, the said William Bradford, Ed: W. etc. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their accounts of partnership; and weras the accounts of the said partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley appeare (through the defaulte of Josias Winslow, the booke keeper); and weras the said W. B. etc. have received all their goods for the said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have made most of their returnes to him, by consente of the said John Beachamp and Richard Andrews; and wheras also the said James Sherley hath given power and authoritie to Mr. John Atwode, with the advice and consente of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to put such an absolute end to the said partnership, with all and every accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, whatsoever, to the said Jarjaes Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard Andrews, from the said W. B. etc. for andconcerning the said beaver trade, and also the charge the said 2. ships, and their viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, f-om the worlds begining to this presente, as also for the paimente of a purchas of 1800li. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on the behalfe of the said W. B., Ed: ` W., etc., and of the joynt stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date the 6. Novbr. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes of money or goods as are received by William Bradford, Thp: Prence, and Myles Standish, for the recovery of dues, by accounts betwexte them, the said James Sherly, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for the ship caled the White Angell. Now the said John Attwode, with advice and counsell of the said William Collier, having had much cemunication and spente diverse days in agitation of all the said differances and accounts with the said W. B., E. W., etc; and the said W. B., E. W., etc. have also, with the said book-keeper spente much time in collecting and gathering togeather the remainder of the stock of partnership for the said trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by the said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those debts that are wecke and doubtfull and desperate, as those that are more secure, which in all doe amounte to the some of 1400li. or ther aboute; and for more full satisfaction of thesaid James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and all the rest of the abovesaid partners, togeither with Josias Winslow the booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, that within the said sume of 1400li. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to the utmost of their rememberance.601.

In consideration of all which matters and things before expressed, and to the end that a full, absolute, and finall end may be now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, and love and peace continued, it is therfore agreed and concluded betweene the said John Attwode, with the advice and consent of the said William Colier, for and on the behalfe of the said James Sherley, to and with the said W. B., etc. in maner and forme following: viz. that the said John Attwode shall procure a sufficiente release and discharge, under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer and unconcealed unto the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the last day of August, next insuing the date hereof, whereby the said William Bradford etc., their heires, executors, and administrators, and every of them- shall be fully and absolutely aquited and discharged of all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and demands whatsoever concerning the generall stock of beaver trade, paymente of the said 1800li. for the purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, concerning the tow ships White-Angel and Frendship aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate of Isaack Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said ship called the Whit Angele, by vertue of a xre of attourney to him, Thomas Prence, and Myles Standish, directed from the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as afforesaid.602.

It is also agreed and concluded upon betweene the said parties to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc. shall now be bound in 2400li. for paymente of 1200li. in full satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid; to be payed in maner and forme following; that is to say, 400li. within 2. months next after the receite of the aforesaid releases and discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready in the hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Mr. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80li. waight of beaver now deposited into the hands of the said John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of the said 400li. and the other 8001i. to be payed by 200li. pr annume, to such assignes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods and comodities, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at the time of delivery and paymente; and in the mean time the said bond of 2400li. to be deposited into the hands of the said John Attwode. And it is agreed upon by and betweene the said parties to these presents, that if the said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges as afforesaid from the said James Sherley, John Bachamp, and Richard Andrews, at or before the last day of August next insuing the date bear of, that then the said John Attwode shall, at the said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered unto the said W. B., E. W., etc. their said bond of 2400li. and the said 80li. waight of beaver, or the due valew therof, without any fraud or further delay; and for performance of all and singuler the covenants and agreements hearin contained and expressed, which on the one parte and behalfe of the said James Sherley are to be observed and performed, shall become bound in the summe of 2400li. to them, the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland. And it is lastly agreed upon betweene the said parties, that these presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in the hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all the said parties have hereunto severally sett their hands, the day and year first above writen. 603.

In the presence of
The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to some issue, as will then appeare, though not to a finall ende with all the parties; but this much for the presente.604.

I had forgoten to inserte in its place how the church here had invited and sent for Mr. Charles Chansey, a reverend, godly, and very lamed man, intending upon triall to chose him pastor of the church hear, for the more comfortable performance of the ministrie with Mr. John Reinor, the teacher of the same. But ther fell out some differance aboute baptising, he holding it ought only to be by diping, and putting the whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfull. The church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this could countrie not so conveniente. But they could not nor durst not yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all the churches of Christ doe for the most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, and an humane invention, as the same was prest; but they were willing to yeeld to him as far as they could, and to the utmost; and were contented to suffer him to practise as he was perswaded; and when he came to minister that ordnance, he might so doe it to any that did desire it in that way, provided he could peacably suffer Mr. Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering on of water upon them; so as ther might be no disturbance in the church hereaboute. But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the church procured some other ministers to dispute the pointe with him publikly; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who did it sundrie times, very ablie and sufficently, as allso some other ministers within this govermente. But he was not satisfied; so the church sent to many other churches to crave their help and advise in this mater, and, with his will and consente, sent them his arguments writen under his owne hand. They sente them to the church at Boston in the Bay of Massachusets, to be comunicated with other churches ther. Also they sent the same to the churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and received very able and sufficient answers, as they conceived, from them and their lamed ministers, who all concluded against him. But him selfe was not satisfied therwith. Their answers are too large hear to relate. They conceived the church had done what was meete in the thing, so Mr. Chansey, having been the most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate, wher he now remaines a minister to the church ther. Also about these times, now that catle and other things begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons begane to fall into more straits, and many being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, and those of the cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, and stille some dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many more unsetled, it did greatly weaken the place, and by reason of the straitnes and barrennes of the place, it sett the thoughts of many upon removeall; as will appere more hereafter.605.

Anno Dom: 1642.
MARVILOUS it may be to see and consider how some kind of wickednes did grow and breake forth here, in a land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and so narrowly looked unto, and Beverly punished when it was knowne; as in no place is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many by proportion, as in other places; but they are here more discoverd and seen, and made publick by due serch, inquisition, and due punishment; for the churches looke narrowly to their members, and the magistrats over all, more strictly then in other places. Besids, here the people are but few in comparison of other places, which are full and populous, and lye hid, as it were, in a wood or thickett, and many horrible evills by that means are never seen nor knowwe; wheras hear, they are, as it were, brought into the light, and set in the plaine feeld, or rather on a hill, made conspicuous to the veiw of all.606.

But to proceede; ther came a letter from the Govr in the Bay to them here, touching matters of the forementioned nature, which because it may be usefull I shall hear relate it, and the passages ther aboute.607.

Sr: Having an opportunitie to signifie the desires of our Generall Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly take this occasion to imparte them to you, that you may imparte them to the rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders, for counsell; and give us your advise in them. The first is concerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes; the perticuler cases, with the circomstances, and the questions ther upon, you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerning the Ilanders at Aquidnett; that seeing the cheefest of them are gone from us, in offences, either to churches, or commone welth, or both; others are dependants on them, and the best sorte are such as close with them in all their rejections of us. Neither is it only in a faction that they are devided from us, but. in very deed they rend them selves from all the true churches of Christ, and, many of them, from all the powers of majestracie. We have had some experience hereof by some of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come amongst us, and have made publick defiance against magistracie, ministrie, churches, and church covenants, etc. as antichristian; secretly also sowing the seeds of Familisme, and Anabaptistrie to the infection of some, and danger of others; so that we are not willing to joyne with them in any league or confederacie at all, but rather that you would consider and advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from being infected by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for thee maintenance of the trad of beaver; if ther be not a company to order it in every jurisdition among the English, which companies should agree in generall of their way in trade, I supose that the trade will be overthrowne, and the Indeans will abuse us. For this cause we have latly put it into order amongst us, hoping of incouragmente from you (as we have had) that we may continue the same. Thus not further to trouble you, I rest, with my loving remembrance to your selfe, etc. 608.

Your loving friend,

Boston, 28. (1.) 1642.
The note inclosed follows on the other side.609.

Worthy and beloved Sr:
Your letter (with the questions inclosed) I have comunicated with our Assistants, and we have refered the answer of them to such Revead Elders as are amongst us, some of whose answers thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their owne hands; from the rest we have not yet received any. Our farr.distance hath bene the reason of this long delay, as also that they could not conferr their counsells togeather.610.

For our selves, (you know our breedings and abillities,) we rather desire light from your selves, and others, whom God hath better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in cases so difficulte and of so hid a nature. Yet under correction, and submission to better judgments, WOpropose this one thing to your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, in the case even of wilifull murder, that though a man did smite or wound an other, with a full pourpose or desire to kill him, (which is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he did not dye, the magistrate was not to take away the others life’ So by proportion in other grosse and foule sines, though high attempts and nere approaches to the same be made, and such as in the sight and account of God may be as ill as the accomplish.: mente of the foulest acts of that sine, yet we doute whether it may be saU for the magistrate to proceed to death; we thinke, upon the former grounds,’, rather he may not. . . . Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and frequencie in the same, doth make us remaine in the darke, and desire further light from you, or any, as God shall give.611.

As for the 2. thing, concerning the handers? we have no conversing with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or humanity may require.612.

And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin held an orderly course, and have been sory to see the spoyle therof by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or any other things which may concerne the commone good, we shall be willing to advise and concure with you in what we may. Thus with my love remembered to your selfe, and the rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take leave, and rest, * Here follow clerical opinions, of Reynor, Partridge and Chauncy, which it has been deemed proper to omit, together with a page or two ensuing. [ed]613.

Your loving friend,

W. B
Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642.
But it may be demanded how came it to pass that so many wicked persons and profane people should so quickly come over into this land, and mixe them selves amongst them? seeing it was religious men that begane the work, and they came for religions sake. I confess this may be marveilled at, at least in time to come, when the reasons therof should not be knowne; and the more because here was so many hardships and wants mett withall. I shall therfore indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And first, according to that in the gospell, it is ever to be remembred that wher the Lord begins to sow good seed, ther the envious man will endeavdre to sow tares. 2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in which much labour and servise was to be done aboute building and planting, etc., such as wanted help in that respecte, when they could not have such as they would, were glad to take such as they could; and so, many untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were thus brought over, both men and women kind; who, when their times were expired, became families of them selves, which gave increase hereunto. 3. An other and a maine reason hearof was, that men, finding so many godly disposed persons willing to come into these parts, some begane to make a trade of it, to transeport passengers and their goods, and hired ships for that end; and then, to make up their fraight and advance their profite, cared not who the persons were, so they had money to pay them. And by this means the cuntrie became pestered with many unworthy persons, who, being come over, crept into one place or other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing usually following his people, as well in outward as spirituall things, (though afflictions be mixed withall,) doe make many to adhear to the people of God, as many followed Christ, for the loaves sake, John 6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into the willdernes with the people of God out of Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by their freinds some under hope that they would be made better; others that they might be eased of such burthens, and they kept from shame at home that would necessarily follow their dissolute courses. And thus, by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is a question whether the greater part be not growne the worser.614.

I am now come to the conclusion of that long and tedious bussines betweene the partners hear, and them in England, the which I shall manifest by their owne letters as followeth, in such parts of them as are pertinente to the same.615.

Mr. Sherleys to Mr. Attwood.
Mr. Attwood, my approved loving freind: Your letter of the 18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have taken a great deall of paines and care aboute that troublesome bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners and freinds, and us hear, and have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which complements and words are no reall satisfaction, etc. For the agreemente you have made with Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, and the rest of the partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I am perswaded they have brought in an accounte of the remaining stock, for my owne parte I am well satisfied, and so I thinke is Mr. Andrewes, and I supose will be Mr. Beachhmme, if most of it might acrew to him, to whom the least is due, etc. And now for peace sake, and to conclude as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass by all failings of all, the conclude is accepted of; I say this agreemente that you have made is condesended unto, and Mr. Andrews hath sent his release to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in the presence of Mr. Weld, and Mr. Peeters, and some others, and I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther, to seale to me; for you must not deliver mine to them, excepte they scale and deliver one to me; this is fitt and equall, etc. 616.

Yours to command in what I may or can,

June 14. 1642.
His to the partners as followeth.617.

Loving freinds,
Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prence, Captaine Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Howland, give me leave to joyne you-all in one letter, concerning the final] end and conclude of that tedious and troublsome bussines, and I thinke I may truly say uncomfurtable and unprofitable to all, etc. It hath pleased God now to put us upon a way to sease all suits, and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld and make good what Mr. Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for that end have sente to my loving freind, Mr. Attwood, an absolute and genemll release unto you all, and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write it your selves, and it shall be done, provided that all you, either joyntly or severally, scale the like discharge to me. And for that end I have drawne one joyntly, and sent it to Mr. Attwood, with that I have sealed to you. Mr. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, and sent it to Mr. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 544li. unto the gentlemen of the Bay. Indeed, Mr. Welld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, and my selfe, to bring us to agree, and to that end we have bad many meetings and spent much time aboute it. But as they are very religious and honest gentle-men, yet they had an end that they drove at and laboured to accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for the generall good of their patente). It had been very well you had sent one over. Mr. Andrew wished you might have one 3. parte of the 1200li. and the Bay 2. thirds; but then we 3. must have agreed togeather, which were a hard mater now. But Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbens, and I, have agreed, they giving you bond, so to compose with Mr. Beachamp, as to procure his generall release, and free you from all trouble and charge that he may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for I am perswaded Mr. Weld will in time gaine him to give them all that is dew to him, which in some sorte is granted allready; for though his demands be great, yet Mr. Andrews hath taken some paines in it, and makes it appear to be less then I thinke he will consente to give them for so good an use; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save you harmles you be safe and well. Now our accord is, that you must pay to the gentle-men of the Bay 900li.; they are to bear all chargs that may any way arise concerning the free and absolute clearing of you from us three. And you to have the other 300li. etc.618.

Upon the receiving of my release from you, I will send you your bonds for the purchass money. I would have sent them now, but I would have Mr. Beachamp release as well as I, because you are bound to him in them. Now I know if a man be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all released, and my discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore doubte you not but you shall have them, and your commission, or any thing els that is fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of the purchass money, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified you that I would but pay 7. years; but now you are discharged of all, etc. 619.

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can,

June 14. 1642.
The coppy of his release is as f olloweth.620.

Wheras diverte questions, differences, and demands have arisen and depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland, gent: now or latly inhabitants or resident at New-Plimoth, in New-England, on the one party, and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in thother parte, for and concerning a stocke and partable trade of beaver and other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as the White Angell, Frindship, or others, and the goods of Isaack Allerton which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of atturney made by the said James Sherley and John Beachamp and Richard Andrews, or any other maters concerning the said trade, either hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or elsewher, all which differences are since by mediation of freinds composed compremissed, and all the said parties agreed. Now know all men by these presents, that I, the said James Sherley, in performance of the said compremise and agreemente, have remised, released, and quite claimed, and doe by these presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires, executors, and Administrators, and for every of us, for ever quite claime unto the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland, and every of them, their and every of their heires, executors, and administrators, all and all maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, conussions, bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, challinges, differ. entes, and demands whatsoever, with or against the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing whatsoever from the begining of the world untill the day of the date of these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my hand and seale, given the second day of June, 1642, and in the eighteenth year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, king Charles, etc. . 621.

Sealed and delivered in the presence of
THo: STURGs, his servante.
Mr. Andrews his discharg was to the same effecte; he was by agreemente to have 500li. of the money, the which he gave to them in the Bay, who brought his discharge and demanded the money. And they tooke in his release and paid the money according to agreemente, viz. one third of the 500li. they paid dowse in hand, and the rest in 4. equall payments, to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds. And wheras 44li. was more demanded, they conceived they could take it of with Mr. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the bonds. But Mr. Beachamp would not parts with any of his, but demanded 400li. of the partners here, and sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon the receite of the money. But his relese was not perfects, for he had left out some of the partners names, with some other defects; and besids, the other gave them to understand he had not near so much due. So no end was made with him till 4. years after; of which in it[s] plase. And in that regard, that them selves did not agree, I shall inserte some part of Mr. Andrews letter, by which conceives the partners here were wronged, as followeth. This leter of his was write to Mr. Edmond Freeman,brother ia law to Mr. Beachamp.622.

Mr. Freeman,
My love remembred unto you, etc. I then certified the partnem+ how I found Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Sherley, in their perticuler demands, which was according to mens principles, of getting what they could; all-though the one will not shew any accounte, and the other a very unfaire and unjust one; and both of them discouraged me from sending the, partners my accounte, Mr. Beachamp espetially. Their reason, I havecause to conceive, was, that allthough- I doe not, nor ever intended to, wrong the partners or the bussines, yet, if I gave no accounte, I might be; esteemed as guiltie as they, in some degree at least; and they might seeme,to be the more free from taxation in not delivering their accounts, who have both of them charged the accounte with much intrest they have payed forth, and one of them would likwise for much intrest he hath no paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte, etc. And seeing the partners have now made it appear that ther is 1200li. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear by my accounte I have not charged the bussineswith any intrest, but doe forgive it unto the partners, above 200li. if Mr. ; Sherley and Mr. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged the bussi-~. nes so many 100li. both in principall and intrest likwise, and have theriA wronged me as well and as much as any of the partners; yet if they wilt not make and deliver faire and true accounts of the same, nor be contents to take what by computation is more then can be justly due to either, thati is, to Mr. Beachamp 150li. as by Mr. Allertons accounts, and Mr. Sherleys . accounts, on oath in chancerie; and though ther might be nothing due to. Mr. Sherley, yet he requirs 100li. etc. I conceive, seing the partners’, have delivered on their oaths the summe remaining in their hands, that`;, they may justly detaine the 650li. which may remaine in their hands, afterI am satisfied, untill Mr. Sherley and Mr. Beachamp will be more fair’ and just in their ending, etc. And as I intend, if the partners fayrly end with me, in satisfing in parte and ingaging them selves for the rest of my, said 544li. to returns back for the poore my parts of the land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to relinquish my right and intrest in their dear patente,,t on which much of our money was laid forth, and also my right and intrest in their cheap purchass, the which may have cost me first and last 350li.But I doubte whether other men have not charged or taken on accounte what they have disbursed in the like case, which I have not charged, neither did I conceive any other durst so doe, untill I saw the accounte of the one and heard the words of the other; the which gives me just cause to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it seemeth they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers therin. Therfore I conceive the partners ought the rather to require just accounts from each of them before they parte with any money to either of them. For marchants understand how to give an acounte; if they mean fairley, they will not deney to give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe them to give exacta acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall cannot forget his charge, if the man will remember. I desire not to wrong Mr. Beachamp or Mr. Sherley, nor may be silente in such apparente probabilities of their wronging the partners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew any accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some perticulers, and very suspitious in many more; either of which, being from understanding marchants, cannot be from weaknes or simplisitie, and therfore the more unfaire. So comending you and yours, and all the Lord’s people, unto the gratious protection and blessing of the Lord, and rest your loving friend,623.

Aprill 7. 1643.
This leter was write the year after the agreement, as doth appear; and what his judgmente was herein, the contents doth manifest, and so I leave it to the equall judgmente of any to consider, as they see cause.624.

Only I shall adde what Mr. Sherley furder write in a leter of his, about the same time, and so leave this bussines. His is as followeth on the other side.625.

Loving freinds, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Cap: Standish, Mr. Prence, and the rest of the partners with you; I shall write this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be a good conclude of a generaall, but a costly and tedious bussines I thinke to all, I am sure to me, etc.626.

I received from Mr. Winslow a letter of the 28. of Sept: last, and so much as concernes the generall bussines I shall answer in this, not knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to write perticuler letters, etc. I expected more letters from you all, as some perticuler writs,but it seemeth no fitt opportunity was offered. And now, though the bussines for the maine may stand, yet some perticulers is alltered; I say my former agree. mente with Mr. Weld and Mr. Peters, before they] could conclude or gett any grante of Mr. Andrews, they sought to have my release; and ther upon they sealed me a bond for a 110li. So I sente my acquittance, for they said without mine ther would be no end made (and ther was good reason for it). Now they hoped, if they ended with me, to gaine Mr. Andrews parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at which I should wonder, but that I observe some passages,) and they also hoped to have gotten Mr. Beachamp part, and I did thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well understand him selfe, and that acounte, he would give it; for his demands make a great soundBut it seemeth he would not parte with it, supposing it too great a sume, and that he might easily gaine it from you. Once he would have given them 40li. but now they say he will not doe that, or rather I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, and have Mr. Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110l. 3 months hence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, that they deal not with Mr. Beachamp, and also for me, if you be as kind to me as I have been and will be to you; and that thus, if you pay Mr. Andrews, or the Bay men, by his order, 544li. which is his full demande; but if looked into, perhaps might be less. The man is honest, and in my conscience would not wittingly doe wronge, yett he may forgett as well as other men; and Mr. Winslow may call to minde wherin he forgetts; (but some times it is good to buy peace.) The gentlemen of the Bay may abate 100li. and so both sids have more right and justice then if they exacte all, etc. Now if you send me a 150li. then say Mr. Andrews full sume, and this, it is nere 700li. Mr. Beachamp he demands 400li. and we all know that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore, and make proofe of his debte; which I know he can never make good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall money; so till he can, you have good reason to keep the 500li. etc. This I proteste I write not in malice against Mr. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth. You may partly see it by Mr. Andrews making up his accounte, and I think you are all perswaded I can say more then Mr. Andrews concerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as plaine and easily, but because of former discontents, I will be sparing till I be called; and you may injoye the 500li. quietly till he begine; for let him take his course hear or ther, it shall be all one, I will doe him no wronge; and if he have not on peney more, he is less loser then either Mr. Andrews or I. This I conceive to be just and honest; the having or not having of his release matters not; let him make such proafe of his debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your first agreemente you will pay it, etc. 627.

Your truly affectioned freind,

London, Aprill 27. 1643.
Anno Dom: 1643.
I AM to begine this year whith that which was a mater of great saddnes and mourning unto them all. Aboute the 18. of Aprill dyed their Reved Elder, and my dear and loving friend, Mr. William Brewster; a man that had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the gospells sake, and had bore his parte in well and woe with this poore persecuted church above 36. years in England, Holand, and in this wilder nes, and done the Lord and them faithfull service in his place and calling. And notwithstanding the many troubls and sorrows he passed throw, the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was nere fourskore years of age (if not all out) when he dyed. He had this blesing added by the Lord to all the rest, to dye in his bed, in peace, amongst the mids of his freinds, who mourned and wepte over him, and ministered what help and comforte they could unto him, and he againe recomforted them whilst he could. His sicknes was not long, and till the last day therof he did not wholy keepe his bed. His speech continued till somewhat more then halfe a day, and then failed him; and aboute 9. or 10. a clock that evning he dyed, without any pangs at all. A few howers before, he drew his breath shorte, and some few minuts before his last, he drew his breath long, as a man falen into a sound slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed this life unto a better.628.

I would now demand of any, what he was the worse for any former sufferings? What doe I say, worse? Nay, sure he was the better, and they now added to his honour. It is a manifest token (saith the Apostle, 2. Thes:1. 5, 6, 7.) of the righ[t]eow judgmente of God that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdmne o f God, for which ye allso suffer; seing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to them that trouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. I f you be reproached for the name o f Christ, hapy are yes for the spirite o f glory and o f God resteth upon you. What though he wanted the riches and pleasurs of the world in this life, and pompous monuments at his funurall? yet the memoriall of the just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments). Pro: 10. 7. 629.

I should say something of his life, if to say a litle were not worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear, though hapily more may be done hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz. the knowledg of the Latine tongue, and some insight in the Greeke, and spent some small time tit Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and vertue, he went to the Courte, and served that religious and godly gentlman, Mr. Davison, diverse years, when he was Secretary of State; who found him so discreete and faithfull as he trusted him above all other that were aboute him, and only imployed him in all matters of greatest trust and secretie. He esteemed him rather as a sonne then a servante, and for his wisdom and godlines (in private) he would converse with him more like a freind and familier then a maister. He attended his mr when he was sente in ambassage by the Queene into the Low-Countries, in the Earle of Leicesters time,as for other waighty affaires of state, so to, receive possession of the cautionary townes, and in token and signe therof the keyes of Flushing being delivered to him, in her matiname, he kepte them some time, and committed them to this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, on which he slepte the first night. And, at his returne, the Stateshonoured him with a gould chaine, and his maister committed it to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived in England, as they ridd thorrow the country, till they came to the Courte. He afterwards remained with him till his troubles, that he was put from his place aboute the death of the Queene of Scots;and some good time after, doeing him manic faithfull offices of servise in the time of his troubles. Afterwards he wente and lived in the country, in good esteeme amongst his freinds and the gentle-men of those parts, espetially the godly and religious. He did much good in the countrie wher he lived, in promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practiss and example, and provocking and incouraging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to the places theraboute, and drawing on of others to assiste and help forward in such a worse; he him selfe most comonly deepest in the charge, and some times above his abillitie. And in this state he continued many years, doeing the best good he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till the Lord reveiled further unto him. And in the end, by the tirrany of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in silenceing the one and persecuting the other, he and many more of those times begane to looke further into things, and to see into the unlawfullnes of their callings, and the burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavored to cast of; as they allso did, as in the begining of this treatis is to be seene. After they were joyned togither in comunion, he was a spetiall stay and help unto them. They ordinarily mett at his house on the Lords day, (which was a manor of the bishops,)and with great love he entertained them when they came, making provission for them to his great charge. He was the cheefe of those that were taken at Boston, and suffered the greatest loss; and of the seven that were kept longst in prison, and after bound over to the assises. Affter he came into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had spente the most of his means, haveing a great charge, and many children; and, in regard of his former breeding and course of life, not so fitt for many imployments as others were, espetally such as were toylesume and laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with much cherfullnes and contents tion. Towards the later parts of those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he lived well and plentifully; for he fell into a way (by reason he had the Latine tongue) to teach many students, who had a disire to lerne the English tongue, to teach them English; and by his method they quickly attained it with great facilitie; for he drew rules to lerne it by, after the Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other studies, some of them being great mens sonnes. He also had means to set up printing, (by the help of some freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by reason of many books which would not be slowed to be printed in England, they might have had more then they could doe.` But now removeing into this countrie, all these things were laid aside againe, and a new course of living must be framed unto; in which he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear his burthen with the rest, living many times withoutbread, or corns, many months together, having many times: nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; and drunker nothing but water for many years togeather, yea, till within’ 5. or 6. years of his death. And yet he lived (by the blessing of God) in health till very old age. And besids that, he would labour with his hands in the feilds as long as he was able; yet when the church had no other minister, he taught twise every Saboth, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification; yea, many were brought to God by his ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year, then many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their lives. For his personall abilities, he was qualified above many; he was wise and discreete and well spoken, having a grave and deliberate utterance, of a very cherfull spirite, very sociable and pleasante amongst his freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposition, under vallewing him self and his owne abilities, and some time over valewing others; inoffencive and innocents in his life and conversation, which gained him the love of those without, as well as those within; yet he would tell them plainely of their faults and evills, both publickly and privatly, but in such a manes as usually was well taken from him. He was tender harted, and compassionate of such as were in miserie, but espetialy of such as had been of good estate and ranke, and were fallen unto want and poverty, either for goodnes and religions sake, or by the injury and oppression of others; he would say, of all men these deserved to be pitied most. And none did more offend and displease him then such as would hautily and proudly carry and lift up themselves, being rise from nothing, and haveing litle els in them to comend them but a few fine cloaths, or a litle riches more then others. In teaching, he was very moving and stirring of affections, also very plaine and distincte in what he taught; by which means he became the more profitable to the hearers. He had a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick and private, in ripping up the hart and conscience before God, in the humble confession of sinne, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon of the same. He always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide their prears, then be longe and tedious in the same (excepts upon sollemne and spetiall occations, as in days of humiliation and the like). His reason was, that the harte and spirits of all, espetialy the weake, could hardly continue and stand bente (as it were) so long towards God, as they ought to doe in that duty, without flagging and falling of. For the govermente of the church, (which was most proper to his office,) he was carfull to preserve good order in the same, and to preserve puritie, both in the doctrine and comunion of the same; and to supress any errour or contention that might begine to rise up amongst them; and accordingly God gave good success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he saw the fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But I must breake of, having only thus touched a few, as it were, heads of things.630.

I cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention, but greatly to admire the marvelous providence of God, that notwithstanding the many changes and hardships that these people wente through, and the many enemies they had and difficulties they mette with all, that so many of them should live to very olde age!It was not only this reved mans condition, (for one swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many more of them did the like, some dying aboute and before this time, and many still living, who attained to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to 70. and above, and some nere 80. as he did. It must needs be more than ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that so it should be; for it is found in experience, that chaing of aeir, famine, or unholsome foode, much drinking of water, sorrows and troubls, etc., all of them are enimies to health, causes of many diseaces, consumers of naturall vigoure and the bodys of men, and shortners of life. And yet of all these things they had a large parte, and suffered deeply in the same. They wente from England to Holand, wher they found both worse air and dyet then that they came from; from thence (induring a long imprisonmente, as it were, in the ships at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been with them hear hath allready beene showne; and what crosses, troubls, fears, wants, and sorrows they had been lyable unto, is easie to conjecture; so as in some sorte they may say with the Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they were in journeyings often, in perils o f waters, in perills o f robers, in perills o f their owne nation, in perils among the heathen, in perills in the willdernes, in perills in the sea, in perills among false breethern; in wearines and pain f ullnes, in watching often, in hunger and thirst, in fasting often, in could and nakednes. What was it then that upheld them? It was Gods visitation that preserved their spirits. Job. 10. 12. Thou hast given me life and grace, and thy visitation hath preserved my spirite. He that upheld the Apostle upheld them. They were persecuted, but not forsaken, cast downe, but perished not. 2. Cor: 4. 9. As unknowen, and yet knowen; as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and yett not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have all men to behold and observe such mercies and works of his providence as these are towards his people, that they in like cases might be inA§ouraged to depend upon God in their trials, . and also blese his name when they see his goodnes towards_ others. Man lives not by bread only, Deut: 8. 3. It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace, and rest, and harts ease, in injoying the contentments and good things of this world only, that preserves health and prolongs life. (God in such examples would have the world see and behold that he can doe it without them; and if the world will shut ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he would have his people to see and consider it.) Daniell could be better liking with pulse then others were with the kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente from one nation to another people, and passed thorow famine, fears, and many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and dyed sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as infinite others of Gods servants have done, and still shall doe, (through Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all the malice of their enemies; when the branch of the wicked shall be cut of before his day, Job. 15. 32. and the bloody and deceit f ull men shall not live out hal f e their days.Psa: 55. 23. 631.

By reason of the plottings of the Narigansets, (ever since the Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into a generall conspiracie against the English in all parts, as was in part discovered the yeare before; and now made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries and free-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall occasions) from diverse places, concuring in one; with such other concuring circomstances as gave them suffissently to understand the trueth therof, and to thinke of means how to prevente the same, and secure them selves. Which made them enter into this more nere union and confederation following.632.

Articles of Conffederation betweene the Plantations under the Govermente of Massachusets, the Plantations under the Govermente of NewPlimoth, the Plantations under the Govermente of Conightecute, and the Govermente of New-Haven, with the Plantations in combination therwith
Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and the same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to injoye the liberties of the Gospell in puritie with peace; and wheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further disperced upon the sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so that we cannot, according to our desires, with conveniencie comunicate in one govermente and jurisdiction; and wheras we live encompassed with people of severall nations and strang languages, which hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and for as much as the natives have formerly committed sundrie insolenties and outrages upon severall plantations of the English, and have of late combined them selves against us; and seeing, by reason of those distractions in England (which they have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered from that humble way of seeking advice or reaping those comfurtable fruits of protection which at other times we might well expecte; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a presente consociation amongst our selves, for mutuall help and strength in all our future concernments. That as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be and continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the insuing articles. (1) Wherfore it is fully agreed and concluded by and betweene the parties or jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly and severally doe by these presents agree and conclude, that they all be and henceforth be called by the name of The United Colonies of New-England. 633.

2. The said United Collonies, for them selves and their posterities, doe joyntly and severally hereby enter into a firme and perpetuall league of frendship and amitie, for offence and defence, mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth of the Gospell, and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare.634.

3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at presente are or hereafter shall be setled with [in] the limites of the Massachusets shall be for ever under the Massachusets, and shall have peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all cases, as an intire body. And that Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-Haven shall each of them have like peculier jurisdition and govermente within their limites and in refference to the plantations which allready are setled, or shall hereafter be erected, or shall setle within their limites, respectively; provided that no other jurisdition shall hereafter be takeen in, as a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor shall any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and not allready in combination or under the jurisdiction of any of these confederats, be received by any of them; nor shall any tow of the confederate joyne in one jurisdiction, without consente of the rest, which consente to be interpreted as is expreseed in the sixte article ensewing.635.

4. It is by these conffederats agreed, that the charge of all just warrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte or member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provissions, and all other disbursments, be borne by all the parts of this confederation, in differente proportions, according to their differente abillities, in maner following: namely, that the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and number of all their males in every plantation, or any way belonging too or under their severall jurisdictions, of what qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16. years old to 60. being inhabitants tber; and that according to the differente numbers which from time to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true and just accounte, the service of men and all charges of the warr be borne by the pole; each jurisdiction or plantation being left to their owne just course and custome of rating them selves and people according to their differente estates, with due respects to their qualities exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take no notice any such priviledg. And that according to their differente charge of each jurisdiction and plantation, the whole advantage of the warn, (if it please God to blesse their indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, – shall be proportionably devided amonge the said confederats.636.

5. It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any plantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded by any enemie whomso. ever, upon notice and requeste of any 3. magistrate of that jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the confederats, without any further meeting or expostulation, shall forthwith send ayde to the confederate in danger, but in differente proportion; namely, the Massachusets an hundred men sufficently armed and provided for such a service and journey, and each of the rest forty five so armed and provided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to this proportion. But if such confederate in danger may be supplyed by their nexte confederates, not exeeding the number hereby agreed, they may crave help ther, and seeke no further for the presente; the charge to be borne as in this article is exprest, and at the returne to be victuled and suplyed with powder and shote for their jurney (if ther be need) by that jurisdiction which imployed or sent for them. But none of the jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting of the commissioners for this confederation, a greater aide appear nessesarie. And this proportion to continue till upon knowlege of greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought to the nexte meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in such caseof sending men for presente aide, whether before or after such order or alteration, it is agreed that at the meeting of the comissioners for this confederation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly considered; and if it appeare that the falte lay in the parties so invaded, that then that jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction both to the invaders whom they have injured, and beare all the charges of the warr them selves, without requiring any allowance from the rest of the confederats towards the same. And further, that if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such a case 3. magistrats of that jurisdiction may summone a meeting, at such conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meets, to consider and provid against the threatened danger, provided when they are mett, they may remove to what place they please; only, whilst any of these foure confederats have but 3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or summons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall force with the 3. mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till ther be an increase of magistrats ther.637.

6. It is also agreed that, for the managing and concluding of all affairs propper, and concerning the whole confederation, tow comissioners shall be chosen by and out of each of these 4. jurisdictions; namly, 2. for the Massachusets, 2. for Plimoth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for New-Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full power from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear, examene, waigh, and detirmine all affairs of wary, or peace, leagues, aids, charges, and numbers of men for warn, divisions of spoyles, and whatsoever is gotten by conquest; receiving of more confederats, or plantations into combination with any of the confederates, and all things of like nature, which are the proper concomitants or consequences of such a confederation, for amitie, offence, and defence; not intermedling with the govermente of any of the jurisdictions, which by the 3. article is preserved entirely to them selves. But if these 8. comissioners when they meete shall not all agree, yet it concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing shall have power to setle and determine the bussines in question. But if 6. doe not agree, that then such propositions, with their reasons, so farr as they have been debated, be sente, and referred to the 4. Generall Courts, viz. the Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at all the said Generall Courts the bussines so referred be concluded, then to be prosecuted by the confederats, and all their members. It was further agreed that these 8. comissioners shall meete once every year, besids extraordinarie meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to consider, treate, and conclude of all affaires belonging to this confederation, which meeting shall ever be the first Thursday in September. And that the next meeting after the date of these presents, which shall be accounted the second meeting, shall be at Boston in the Masachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at New-Haven, the 5. at Plimoth, and so in course successively, if in the meane time some midle place be not found out and agreed on, which may be comodious for all the jurisdictions. 638.

7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these 8. comissioners, whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all 6. of them agreeing as before, may chose a presidente out of them selves, whose office and work shall be to take care and directe for order, and a comly carrying on of all proceedings in the present meeting; but he shall be invested with no such power or respecte, as by which he shall hinder the propounding or progress of any bussines, or any way cast the smiles otherwise then in the precedente article is agreed.639.

8. It is also agreed, that the comissioners for this confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinarie, as they may have comission or opportunitie, doe indeaover to frame and establish agreements and orders in generall cases of a civill nature, wherin all the plantations are interessed, for the preserving of peace amongst theta;, selves, and preventing as much as may be all occasions of warn or difference with others; as aboute the free and speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, to all the confederats equally as to their owne; notreceiving those that remove from one plantation to another without due certificate; how all the jurisdictions may carry towards the Indeans, that they neither gmwe insolente, nor be injured without due satisfaction, least wary breake in upon the confederats through such miscarriages. It is also agreed, that if any servante rune away from his maister into . another of these confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon the certificate of one magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which the said servante fledd, or upon other due proofe, the said servante shall be de. livered, either to his maister, or any other that pursues and brings such-; certificate or proofe. And that upon the escape of any prisoner what, soever, or fugitive for any criminall cause, whether breaking prison, or getting from the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the certificate of 2. magistrate of the jurisdiction out of which the escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender at the time of the escape, they magictrats, or sume of them of that jurisdiction whey for the presente the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as the case will beare, for the apprehending of any such person, and the delivering of him into the hands of the officer, or other person who pursues him. And if ther be help required, for the safe returning of any such offender, theA¥, it shall be granted to him that craves the same, he paying the charges therof640.

9. And for that the justest warns may be of dangerous consequence,espetially to the smaler plantations in these United Collonies, it is that neither the Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor New-Haven,nor any member of any of them, shall at any time hear after begine, undertake, or ingage them selves, or this confederation, or any parte therof, any warn whatsoever, (sundry exegents, with the necessary consequents therof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much as the case will permitte,) without the consente and agreemente of the forementioned 8. comissioners, or at the least 6. of them, as in the sixt article is provided. And that no charge be required of any of they confederats, in case of a defensive warn, till the said comissioners have mett, and approved the justice of the warn, and have agreed upon the summe of money to be levied, which sume is then to be paid by the severall confederats in proportion according to the fourth article. 641.

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as in the 5. article, if any of the comissioners come not, due warning being given or sente, it is agreed that 4. of the comissioners shall have power to directe a wary which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett; but not less then 6. shall determine the justice of the warn, or alow the demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be made for the same.642.

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederats shall hereafter breake any of these presente articles, or be any other ways injurious to any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreemente or injurie shall be duly considered and ordered by the comissioners for the other jurisdiction; that both peace and this presente confederation may be intirly preserved without violation.643.

12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and the severall articles therof being read, and seriously considered, both by the Generall Courte for the Massachusets, and by the comissioners for Plimoth, Conigtecute, and New-Haven, were fully alowed and confirmed by 3. of the forenamed confederats, namly, the Massachusets, Conightecutt, and New-Haven; only the comissioners for Plimoth haveing no commission to conclude, desired respite till they might advise with their Generall Courte; wber upon it was agreed and concluded by the said Courte of the Massachusets, and the comissioners for the other tow confederats, that, if Plimoth consente, then the whole treaty as it stands in these present articls is, and shall continue, firme and stable without alteration. But if Plimoth come not in, yet the other three confederate doe by these presents confeirme the whole confederation, and the articles therof; only in September nexte, when the second meeting of the commissioners is to be at Boston, new consideration may be taken of the 6. article, which concerns number of comissioners for meeting and concluding the affaires of this confederation, to the satisfaction of the Courte of the Massachusets, and the comissioners for the other 2. confederats, but the rest to stand unquestioned. In the testimonie wherof, the Generall Courte of theMassachusets, by ther Secretary, and the comissioners for Conightecutt and New-Haven, have subscribed these presente articles this 19. of the third month, comonly called May, Anno Dom: 1643. 644.

At a meeting of the comissioners for the confederation held at Boston the 7. of Sept: it appearing that the Generall Courte of New-Plimoth, and the severall towneshipes therof, have read and considered and approved these articles of confederation, as appeareth by commission from their Generall Courte bearing date the 29. of August, 1643. to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Collier, to ratifie and confirme the same on their behalfes. We, therfore, the Comissioners for the Massachusets, Conightecutt, and New Haven, doe also, for our severall goverments, subscribe unto them.645.

JOHN WINTHROP, Gov. of the Massachusest.
These were the articles of agreemente in the union and confederation which they now first entered into; and in this their first meeting, held at Boston the day and year above said, amongst other things they had this matter of great consequence to considere on: the Narigansets, after the subduing of the Pequents, thought to have ruled over all the Indeans aboute them; but the English, espetially those of Conightecutt holding correspondencie and frenship with Uncass, sachem of the Monhigg Indeans which lived nere them, (as the Massachusets had done with the Narigansets,) and he had been faithfull to them in the Pequente warr, they were ingaged to supporte him in his just liberties, and were contented that such of the surviving Pequents as had submited to him should remaine with him and quietly under his protection. This did, much increase his power and augmente his greatnes, which the:` Narigansets could not indure to see. But Myantinomo, theircheefe sachem, (an ambitious and politick man,) sought privatly and by trearchery (according to the Indean maner) to make him away, by hiring some to kill him. Sometime they, assayed to poyson him; that not takeing, then in the night time to knock him on the head in his house, or secretly to shoot him, and such like attempts. But none of these taking effecte, hemade open warr upon him (though it was against: the covenants both betweene the English and them, as alsobetweene them selves, and a plaine breach of the same). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000. men (never denouncing any warr before). The others power at that presents was not above halfe so many; but it pleased God to give Uncass the victory, and he slew many of his men, and wounded many more; but the cheefe of all was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner. And seeing he was a greate man, and the Narigansets a potente people and would seeke revenge, he would doe nothing in the case without the advise of the English; so he (by the help and direction of those of Conightecutt) kept him prisoner till this meeting of the comissioners. The comissioners weighed the cause and passages, as they were dearly represented and sufA±cently evidenced betwixte Uncass and Myantinomo; and the things being duly considered, the comissioners apparently saw that Uncass could not be safe whilst Miantynomo lived, but, either by secrete trechery or open force, his life would still be in danger. Wherfore they thought he might justly put such a false and bloud-thirstie enimie to death; but in his owne jurisdiction, not in the English plantations. And they advised, in the maner of his death all mercy and moderation should be showed, contrary to the practise of the Indeans, who exercise torturs and cruelty. And, Uncass having hitherto showed him selfe a freind to the English, and in this craving their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others shall unjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice and request, the English promise to assiste and protette him as farr as they may againste such violence.646.

This was the issue of this bussines. The reasons and passages hereof are more at large to be seene in the acts and records of this meeting of the comissioners’ And Uncass follewd this advise, and accordingly executed him, in a very faire maner,2 acording as they advised, with due respecte to his honour and greatnes. But what followed on the Narigansets parte will appear hear after.647.

Anno Dom: 1644
MR. EDWARD WINSLOW was chosen Govr this year.648.

Many having left this place (as is before noted) by reason of the straightnes and barrennes of the same, and their finding of better accommodations elsewher, more sutable to their ends and minds; and sundrie others still upon every occasion desiring their dismissions, the church begane seriously to thinke whether it were not better joyntly to remove to some other place, then to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly dissolved. Many meetings and much consultation was held hearaboute, and diverse were mess minds and opinions. Some were still for staying togeather in this place, aledging men might hear live, if they would be contente with their condition; and that it was not for waste or necessitie so much that they removed, as for the enriching of them selves. Others were resolute upon removall, and so signified that hear they could not stay; but if the church did not remove, they must; insomuch as many were swayed, rather then ther should be a dissolution,. to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could be found, that might more conveniently and comfortablie receive the whole, with such accession of others as might cA³me to them, for their better strength and subsistence; and some such like cautions and limitations. So as, with the afforesaide provissos, the greater parte consented to a removall to a place called Nawsett, which had been superficially veiwed and the good will of the purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with some addition thertoo from the Courte. But now they begane to see their errour, that they had given away already the best and most commodious places to others, and now wanted them selves; for this place was about 50. myles from hence, and at an outside of the countrie, remote from all Society; also, that it would prove so straite, as it would not be competente to receive the whole body, much less be capable of any addition or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they should be worse ther then they are now hear. The which, with sundery other like considerations and inconveniences, made them chaing their resolutions; but such as were before resolved upon removall tooke advantage of this agreemente, and wente on notwithstanding, neither could the rest hinder them, they haveing made some beginning. And thus was this poore church left, like an anciente mother, growne olde, and forsaken of her children, (though not in their affections,) yett in regarde of their bodily presence and personall helpfullness. Her anciente members being most of them worse away by death; and these of later time being like children translated into other families, and she like a widow left only to trust in God. Thus she- that had made many rich became her selfe poore.649.

Some things handled, and pacified by the commissioner[s] this year.
Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of the jurisdictions in the westerse parts, viz. Conigbtecutt and New-haven, have beene latly exercised by sundrie insolencies and outrages from the Indeans; as, first, an Englishman, runing from his mr out of the Massachusets, was murdered in the woods, in or nere the limites of Conigbtecute jurisdiction; and aboute 6. weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean, the Indean sagamore in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to the English, bound; and having accordingly brought him within the sight of Uncaway, by their joynte consente, as it is informed, he was ther unbound, and left to shifte for him selfe; wherupon 10. Englishmen forthwith coming to the place, being sente by Mr. Ludlow, at the Indeans desire, to receive the murderer, who seeing him escaped, layed hold of A?. of the Indeans ther presente, amongst whom ther was a sagamore or 2. and kept them in hold 2. days, till 4. sagamors ingaged themselves within one month to deliver the prisoner. And about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came presumtuously and with guile, in the day time, and murtherously assalted an English woman in her house at Stanford, and by 3. wounds, supposed mortalil, left her for dead, after he had robbed the house. By which passages the English were provoked, and called to a due consideration of their owne saftie; and the Indeans generally in those parts arose in an hostile manner, refused to come to the English to carry on treaties of peace, departed from their wigwames, left their come unweeded, and shewed them selves tumultuously about some of the English plantations, and shott of peetes within hearing of the towne; and some Indeans came to the English and tould them the Indeans would fall upon them. So that most of the English thought it unsafe to travell in those parts by land, and some of the plantations were put upon strong watchs and ward, night and day, and could not attend their private occasions, and yet dis. trusted their owne strength for their defence. Wherupon Hartford and New-Haven were sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to send into the weaker parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and New-Haven, for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway, though belonging,,’; to Conightecutt. Of all which passages they presently acquainted the cwmissioners in the Bay, and had the allowance and approbation from the Generall Courte ther, with directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear such insolenties too longe. Which courses, though chargable to them selves, yet through Gods blessing they hope fruite is, and will be, sweets and wholsome to all the collonies; the murderers are since delivered to justice, the publiek peace preserved for the presente, and probabillitie it may be better secured for the future. 650.

Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and the fear of a warr hereby diverted. But now an other broyle was begune by the Narigansets; though they unjustly had made warr upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and had, the winter before this, ernestly presed the Goveof the Massachusets that they might still make wary upon them to revenge the death of their sagamore, which, being taken prisoner, was by them put to death, (as before was noted,) pretending that they had first received and accepted his ransome, and then put him to death. But the Gover refused their presents, and tould them that it was them selves had done the wrongs, and broaken the conditions of peace; and he nor the English neither could nor would allow them to make any further warr upon him, but if they did, must assiste him, and oppose them; but if if did appears, upon good proofe, that he had received a ransome for his life, before he put him to death, when the comissioners mett, they should have a fair hearing, and they would cause Uncass to returne the same. But notwithstanding, at the spring of the year they gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, and slue sundrie of his men, and wounded more, and also had some loss them selves. Uncass calld for aide from the English; they tould him what the Narigansets objected, he deney the same; they tould him it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if the Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide and assiste him. So at this meeting they sent both to Uncass and the Narrigansets, and required their sagamors to come or send to the comissioners now mete at Hartford, and they should have a faire and inpartiall hearing in all their greevances, and would endeavor that all wrongs should be rectified wher they should be found; and they promised that they should safly come and returne without any danger or molestation; and sundry the like things, as appears more at large in the messengers instructions. Upon which the Narigansets sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with full power to doe in the case as should be meete. Uncass came in person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute him. After the agitation of the bussines, the issue was this. The comissioners declared to the Narigansett deputies as followeth.651.

1. That they did not find any proofe of any ransome agreed on.652.

2. It appeared not that any wampam had been paied as a ransome, or any parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life.653.

3. That if they had in any measure proved their charge against Uncass, the comissioners would have required him to have made answerable satisfaction.654.

4. That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, the English will consider the same, and proceed accordingly.655.

5. The comissioners did require that neither them selves nor the Nyanticks make any warr or injurious assaults upon Unquass or any of his company untill they make profe of the ransume charged, and that due satisfaction be deneyed, unless he first assaulte them.656.

6. That if they assaults Uncass, the English are engaged to assist him.657.

Hearupon the Narigansette sachim, advising with the other deputies, ingaged him selfe in the behalfe of the Narigansets and Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be comitted upon Uncass, or any of his, untill after the neat planting of come; and that after that, before they begine any wary, they will give 30. days warning to the Gove` of the Massachusets or Conightecutt. The comissioners approving of this offer, and taking their ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass, as he expected the continuance of the favour of the English, to observe the same termes of peace with the Narigansets and theirs.658.

These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by the comissioners, for the severall jurisdictions, the 19. of Sept: 1644.

EDWA: HOPKINS, Presidente.
The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that if, contrary to this agreemente, any of the Nyantick Pequents should make any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they would deliver them up to the English, to be punished according to their demerits; and that they would not use any means to procure the Mowacksto come against Uncass during this truce.
These were their names subscribed with their marks.659.

Anno Dom: 1645.
THE comissioners this year were caled to meete togither at Boston, before their ordinarie time; partly in regard of some differances falen betweene the French and the govermente of the Massachusets, about their aiding of Munseire Latore against Munsseire de Aulney,and partly aboute the Indeans, who had broaken the former agreements aboute the peace concluded the last year. This meeting was held at Boston, the 28. of July.660.

Besids some underhand assualts made on both sids, the Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, and slew many of his men, and wounded more, by reason that they farr exseeded him in number, and had gott store of peeces, with which they did him most hurte. And as they did this withoute the knowledg and consente of the English, (contrary to former agreemente,) so they were resolved to prosecute the same, notwithstanding any thing the English said or should doe against them. So, being incouraged by ther late victorie, and promise of assistance from the Mowaks, (being a strong, warlike, and desperate people,) they had allready devoured Uncass and his, in their hops; and surly they had done it in deed, if the English had not timly sett in for his aide. For those of Conightecute sent him 40. men, who were a garison to him, till the comissioners could meete and take further order.661.

Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers, viz. Sargent John Davis, Benedicte Arnold,and Francis Smith, with full and ample instructions, both to the Narigansets and Uncass; to require them that they should either come in person or send sufficiente men fully instructed to deale in the bussines; and if they refused or delayed, to let them know (according to former agreements) that the English are engaged to assiste against these hostile invasions, and that they have sente their men to defend Uncass, and to know of the Narigansets whether they will stand to the former peace, or they will assaulte the English also, that they may provid accordingly.662.

But the messengers returned, not only with a sleighting, but a threatening answer from the Narigansets (as will more appear hereafter). Also they brought a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, wherin he assures them that the wary would presenly breake forth, and the whole country would be all of a flame. And that the sachems of the Narigansets had concluded a newtrality with the English of Providence and those of Aquidnett Iland. Wherupon the comissioners, considering the great danger and provocations offered, and the necessitie we should be put unto of making war, with the Narigansetts, and being also carfull, in a matter of so great waight and generall concernmente, to see the way cleared, and to give satisfaction to all the colonies, did thinke fitte to advise with such of the magistrats and elders of the Massachusets as were then at hand, and also with some of the cheefe millitary comandeis ther; who being assembled, it was then agreed,â??663.

First, that our ingagmente bound us to aide and defend Uncass. 2. That this ayde could not be intended only to defend him and his forte, or habitation, but (according to the comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingagments, considered with the grounds or occasion therof) so to ayde him as he might be preserved in his liberty and estate. 3ly. That this ayde must be speedy, least he might be swalowed up in the mean time, and so come to late. 4ly. The justice of this wary being cleared to our selves and the rest then presente, it was thought meete that the case should be stated, and the reasons and grounds of the war, declared and published. 5ly. That a day of humilliation should be apoynted, which was the 5. day of the weeke following. 6ly. It was then allso agreed by the comissioners that the whole number of men to be raised in all the colonies should be 300. Wherof from the Massachu sets a 190. Plimoth, 40. Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. And considering that Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of this number were forthwith sent from the Massachusets for his sucoure; and it was but neede, for the other 40. fromConightecutt had order to stay but a month, and their time being out, they returned; and the Narigansets, hearing therof, tooke the advantage, and came suddanly upon him, and gave him another blow, to his further loss, and were ready to doe the like againe; but these 40. men being arrived, they returned, and did nothing. 664.

The declaration which they sett forth I shall not transcribe, it being very larg, and put forth in printe,to which I referr those that would see the same, in which all passages are layed open from the first. I shall only note their proved carriage, and answers to the 3. messengers sent from the coniissioners. They received them with scorne and contempte, and tould them they resolved to have no peace without Uncass his head; also they gave them this further answer: that it mattered not who begane the war,, they were resolved to follow it, and that the English should withdraw their garison from Uncass, or they would procure the Mowakes against them; and withall gave them this threatening answer: that they would lay the English catle on heaps, as high as their houses, and that no English-man should sturr out of his dore to pisse, but he should be kild. And wheras they required guids to pass throw their countrie, to deliver their message to Uncass from the comissioners, they deneyed them, but at length (in way of scorne) offered them an old Pequente woman. Besids allso they conceived them selves in danger, for whilst the interpretour was speakeing with them about the answer he should returne, 3. men came and stood behind him with ther hatchets, according to their murderous maner; but one of his fellows gave him notice of it, so they broak of and came away; with sundry such like affrontes, which made those Indeans they carryed with them to rune away for fear, and leave them to goe home as they could.665.

Thus whilst the comissioners in care of the publick peace sought to quench the fire kindled amongst the Indeans, these children of strife breath out threatenings, provocations, and war, against the English them selves. So that, unless they should dishonour and provoak God, by violating a just ingagmente, and expose the colonies to contempte and danger from the barbarians, they cannot but exerciese force, when no other means will prevaile to reduse the Narigansets and their confederats to a more just and sober temper.666.

So as here upon they went on to hasten the preparations, according to the former agreemente, and sent to Plimoth to send forth their 40. men with all speed, to lye at Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle it, before the rest were ready, it lying next the enemie, and ther to stay till the Massachusetts should joyne with them. Allso Conigtecute and Newhaven forces were to joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and the Indean confederats of those parts with them. All which was done accordingly; and the souldiers of this place were at Seacunk, the place of their rendevouze, 8. or 10. days before the rest were ready; they were well armed all with snaphance peeces,and went under the camand of Captain Standish. Those from other places were led likwise by able comander[s], as Captaine Mason for Conigtecute, etc.; and Majore Gibonswas made generall over the whole, with such comissions and instructions as was meete.667.

Upon the suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the present necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of the Massachusetts Courte (being now assembled immediatly after the setting forth of their 40. men) made a question whether it was legally done, without their comission. It was answered, that howsoever it did properly belong to the authority of the severall jurisdictions (after the warr was agreed upon by the comissioners, and the number of men) to provid the men and means to carry on the wary; yet in this presente case, the proceeding of the comissioners and the comission given was as sufliciente as if it had been done by the Generall Courte.668.

First, it was a case of such presente and urgente necessitie, as could not stay the calling of the Courte or Counsell. 2ly. In the Articles of Confederation, power is given to the comissioners to consult, order, and determine all affaires of wan, etc. And the word determine comprehends all acts of authority belonging therunto.669.

3ly. The comissioners are the judges of the necessitie of the expe. dition.670.

4ly. The Generall Courte have made their owns comissioners their sole counsell for these affires.671.

5ly. These counsels could not have had their due effecte excepts they had power to proceede in this case, as they have done; which were to make the comissioners power, and the maine end of the confederation, to be frustrate, and that mearly for observing a ceremony.672.

6ly. The comissioners haveing sole power to manage the warr for number of men, for time, place, etc., they only know their owns counsells, and determinations, and therfore none can grante commission to acte according to these but them selves.673.

All things being thus in readines, and some of the souldiers gone forth, and the rest ready to march, the comissioners thought it meete before any hostile acte was performed, to cause a presents to be returned, which had been sente to the Gover of the Massachusetts from the Narigansett sachems, but not by him received, but layed up to be accepted or refused as they should carry them selves, and observe the covenants. Therfore they violating the same, and standing out thus to a warr, it was againe returned, by 2. messengers and an inter pretour. And further to let know that their men already sent to Uncass (and other wher sent forth) have hitherto had express order only to stand upon his and their owns defence, and not to attempte any invasion of the Narigansetts country; and yet if they may have due reperation for what is past, and good securitie for the future, it shall appear they are as desirous of peace, and shall be as tender of the Narigansets blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss, Innemo, with other sachemes, will (without further delay) come along with you to Boston, the comissioners doe promise and assure them, they shall have free liberty to come, and retourne without molestation or any just greevance from the English. But deputies will not now serve, nor may the preparations in hand be now stayed, or the directions given recalled, till the forementioned sagamors come, and some further order be taken. But if they will have nothing but warr, the Engish are providing, and will proceede accordingly.674.

Pessecouss, Mixano, and Witowash, 3. principall sachems of the Narigansett Indeans, and Awasequen, deputie for the Nyanticks, with a large traine of men, within a few days after came to Boston.675.

And to omitte all other circomstances and debats that past betweene them and the comissioners, they came to this conclusion following.676.

1. It was agreed betwixte the comissioners of the United Collonies, and the forementioned sagamores, and Niantick deputie, that the said Narigansets and Niantick sagamores should. pay or cause to be payed at Boston, to the Massachusets comissioners, the full sume of 2000. fathome of good white wampame, or a third parte of black wampampeage, in 4. payments; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days, 500. fathome within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before next planting time, and 500. fathome within 2. years next after the date of these presents; which 2000. fathome the comissioners accepte for satisfaction of former charges expended.677.

2. The foresaid sagamors and deputie (on the behalfe of the Narigansett and Niantick Indeans) hereby promise and covenante that they upon demand and profe satisfie and restore unto Uncass, the Mohigan sagamore, all such captives, whether men, or women, or children, and all such canowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as many of their owne canowes in the roome of them, full as good as they were, with full satisfaction for all such come as they or any of theire men have spoyled or destroyed, of his or his mens, since last planting time; and the English comissioners hereby promise that Uncass shall doe the like.678.

3. Wheras ther are sundry differences and greevances bewirte Narigansett and Niantick Indeans, and Uncass and his men, (which in Uncass his absence cannot now be detirmined,) it is hearby agreed that Nariganset and Niantick sagamores either come them selves, or send their deputies to the next meeting of the comissioners for the collonies, either at New-Haven in See 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente warning, if the said comissioners doe meete sooner), fully instructed to declare and make due proofe of their injuries, and to submite to the judgmente of the comissioners, in giving or receiving satisfaction; and the said comissioners (not doubting but Uncass will either come him selfe, or send his deputies, in like maner furnished) promising to give a full hearing to both parties with equall justice, without any partiall respects, according to their allegations and profs.679.

4. The said Narigansett and Niantick sagamors and deputies doe hearby promise and covenante to keep and maintaine a firme and perpetuall peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their successors, and- with Uncass, the Monhegen sachem, and his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean sagamors, and their companies, who are in freindship with or subjecte to any of the English; hearby ingaging them selves, that they will not at any time hearafter disturbe the peace of the cuntry, by any assaults, hostile attempts, invasions, or other injuries, to any of the Unnited Collonies, or their successors; or to the afforesaid Indeans; either in their persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly or indirectly; nor will they confederate with any other against them; and if they know of any Indeans or others that conspire or intend hurt against the said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in freindship with them, they will without delay acquainte and give notice therof to theEnglish commissioners, or some of them.680.

Or if any questions or differences shall at any time hereafter arise or grow betweit them and Uncass, or any Endeans before mentioned, they will, according to former ingagments (which they hearby confirme and ratifie) first acquainte the English, and crave their judgments and advice therin; and will not attempte or begine any warn, or hostille invasion, till they have liberty and alowance from the comissitmers of the United Collonies so to doe.681.

5. The said Narigansets and Niantick sagamores and deputies doe hearby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore allsuch Indean fugitives, or captives which have at any time fled from any of the English, and are now living or abiding amongst them, or give duesatisfaction for them to the comissioners for the Massachusets; and further, that they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be payed, a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, to the English Colonies, for all such Pequents as live amongst them, according to the former treaty and agreemente, made at Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome of white wampam for every Pequente man, and halfe a fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand length for each mal-child. And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this tribute for any Pequents with him,the Narigansetts sagamores promise to assiste the English against him And they further covenante that they will resigne and yeeld up the whole Pequente cuntrie, and every parte of it, to the English collonies, as due to them by conquest.682.

6. The said Narigansett and Niantick sagamores and deputie doe hereby promise and cevenante that within 14. days they will bring and deliver to the Massachusetts comissioners on the behalfe of the collonies, foure of their children, viz. Pessecous his eldest sonn, the sone Tassaquanawite brother to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos sone, a Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages and pledges) by the English, till both the forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed at the times appoynted, and the differences betweexte themselves and Uncass be heard and ordered, and till these artickles be under writen at Boston, by Jenemo and Wipetock. And further they hereby promise and covenante, that if at any time hearafter any of the said children shall make escape, or be conveyed awayfrom the English, before the premisses be fully accomplished, they will either bring back and deliver to the Massachusett comissioners the same children, or, if they be not to be founde, such and so many other children, to be chosen by the comissioners for the United Collonies, or their assignes, and that within 20. days after demand, and in the mean time, untill the said 4. children be delivered as hostages, the Narigansett and Niantick sagamors and deputy doe, freely and of their owne accorde, leave with the Massachusett comissioners, as pledges for presente securitie, 4. Indeans, namely, Witowash, Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso freely consente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till the said children be brought and delivered as abovesaid. 683.

7. The comissioners for the United Collonies doe hereby promise and agree that, at the charge of the United Collonies, the 4. Indeans now left as pledges shall be provided for, and that the 4. children to be brought and delivered as hostages shall be kepte and maintained at the same charge; that they will require Uncass and his men, with all other Indean sagamors before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie againste the Narigansetts and Niantick Indeans for the future. And further, all the promises being duly observed and kept by the Narigansett and Niantick Indians and their company, they will at the end of 2. years restore the said children delivered as hostiages, and retaine a firme peace with the Narigansets and Nianticke Indeans and their successours.684.

8. It is fully agreed by and betwixte the said parties, that if any hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in band, or before notice of this agreemente (to stay further preparations and directions) can be given, such attempts and the consequencts therof shall on neither parte be so counted a violation of this treaty, nor a breach of the peace hear made and concluded.685.

9. The Narigansets and Niantick sagamors and deputie hereby agree and covenante to and with the comissioners of the United Collonies, that henceforth they will neither give, grante, sell, or in any maner alienate, any parte of their countrie, nor any parcell of land therin, either to any of the English or others, without consente or allowance of the commissioners.686.

10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be found and discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace murdered any of the English, he or they shall be delivered to just punishmente.687.

In witness wherof the parties above named have interchaingablie subscribed these presents, the day and year above writen.688.

MEEKESANO his mark
WITOWASH his mark
AUMSEQUEN his mark, the Niantick deputy.
ABDAS his mark
PUMMASH his mark

This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of the United Collonies and the sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets and Niantick Indeans was made and concluded, Benedicte Arnold being interpretour upon his oath; Sergante Callicate and an Indean, his man, being presente, and Josias and Cutshamakin, tow Indeans aqusinted with the English language, assisting therin; who opened and cleared the whole treaty, and every article, to the sagamores and deputie there presente.
And thus was the warr at this time stayed and prevented.689.

Anno Dom: 1646.

ABOUT the midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships into this harbor, in warrlike order; they were found to be men of warn. The captains name was Crumwell, who had taken sundrie prizes from the Spaniards in the West Indies. He had a comission from the Earle of Warwick. He had abord his vessels aboute 80. lustie men, (but very unruly,) who, after they came ashore, did so distemper them selves with drinke as they became like madd-men; and though some of them were punished and imprisoned, yet could they hardly be restrained; yet in the ende they became more moderate and orderly. They continued here aboute a month or 6. weeks, and then went to the Massachusets; in which time they spente and scattered a great deale of money among the people, and yet more sine (I fear) then money, notwithstanding all the care and watchfullnes that was used towards them, to prevente what might be.690.

In which time one sadd accidente fell out. A desperate fellow of the company fell a quarling with some of his company. His captine commanded him to be quiet and surcease his quarelling; but he would not, but reviled his captaine with base language, and in the end halte drew his rapier, and intended to rune at his captien; but he closed with him, and wrasted his rapier from him, and gave him a boxe on the earr; but he would not give over, but still assaulted his captaine. Wherupon he tooke the same rapier as it was in the scaberd, and gave him a blow with the hilts; but it light on his head, and the smal end of the bar of the rapier hilts peirct his scull, and he dyed a few days after. But the captaine was cleared by a counsell of wart. This fellow was so desperate a quareller as the captaine was faine many times to chaine him under hatches from hurting his fellows, as the company did testifie; and this was his end. 691.

This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another vioage to the Westinders, from the Bay of the Massachusets, well maned and victuled; and was out 3. years, and tooke sundry prises, and returned rich unto the Massachusets, and ther dyed the same sommere, having gott a fall from his horse, in which fall he fell on his rapeir hilts, and so brused his body as he shortly after dyed therof, with some other distempers, which brought him into a feavor. Some observed that ther might be somthing of the hand of God herein; that as the forenamed man dyed of the blow he gave him with the rapeir hilts, so his owne death was occationed by a like means.692.

This year Mr. Edward Winslow went into England, upon this occation: some discontented persons under the govermente of the Massachusets sought to trouble their peace, and disturbe, if not innovate, their govermente, by laying many scandals upon them; and intended to prosecute against them in England, bypetitioning and complaining to the Parlemente.Allso Samuell Gorton and his company made complaints against them; so as they made choyse of Mr. Winslow to be their agente, to make their defence, and gave him comission and instructions for that end; in which he so carried him selfe as did well answer their ends, and cleared them from any blame or dishonour, to the shame of their adversaries. But by reason of the great alterations in the State, he was detained longer then was expected; and afterwards fell into other imployments their, so as he hath now bene absente this 4. years, which hath been much to the weakning of this govermente, without whose consente he tooke these imployments upon him.693.

Anno 1647. And Anno 1648.694.

The failure of that experiment of communal service which was
tried for several years, and by good and honest men, proves the
emptiness of the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by
some of later times – that the taking away of private property, and
the possession of it in community by a commonwealth, would make a
state happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God.

William Bradford continued:

â?oFor in this instance, *community of property* (so far as it went)
was found to *breed much confusion *and *discontent;* and* **retard
much employment* which would have been to the general benefit and

For the young men who were most able and fit for service objected to
being forced to spend their time and strength in working for other
menâ?Ts wives and children, without any recompense.

The strong man or the resourceful man had no more share of food,
clothes, etc., than the weak man who was not able to do a quarter the
other could. This was thought injustice.

The aged and graver men, who were ranked and equalized in labor, food,
clothes, etc., with the humbler and younger ones, thought it some
indignity and disrespect to them.

As for menâ?Ts wives who were obliged to do service for other men,
such as cooking, washing their clothes, etc., they considered it a
kind of slavery, and many husbands would not brook it��

William Bradford added:

â?oIf (it were thought) *all were to share alike*, and *all were to do
alike*, then *all were on an equality throughout*, and *one was as
good as another*; and so, if it did not actually abolish those very
relations which God himself has set among men, it did at *least
greatly diminish the mutual respect* that is so important should be
preserved amongst them.

Let none argue that this is due to human failing, rather than to this
communistic plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men
have this failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another
plan of life was fitter for them.

William Bradford also wrote:

So they began to consider how to raise more corn, and obtain a
better crop than they had done, so that they might not continue to
endure the misery of want.

At length after much debate, the Governor, with the advice of the
chief among them, allowed each man to plant corn for his own
household*, and to trust themselves for that; in all other things to
go on in the general way as before. So every family was assigned a
parcel of land, according to the proportion of their number.

This was very successful. It made all hands very industrious, so that
much more corn was planted than otherwise would have been by any
means the Governor or any other could devise, and saved him a great
deal of trouble, and gave far better satisfaction.

The women now went willing into the field, and took their little ones
with them to plant corn while before they would allege weakness and
inability, and to have compelled them would have been thought great
tyranny and oppression.