Reclaim America

Reclaim America

This 4th of July, 2010, “. . . . it is fitting and proper . . . . [that we] be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who, . . . . [have sacrificed before us] have thus far so nobly advanced”. Under attack from enemies, foreign and domestic, where government and those we elect to represent us fail to protect us, it is time that we, the people, reclaim America so “that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth”.

Accomplish this by casting your vote to reclaim America. Citizens loyal to the original intention of the Constitution will take an active role in this “new birth of freedom”. With their vote, Americans willing to act in restoring the heritage intended by those giving birth to “liberty and justice for all” over two centuries ago will become a party to the contract with all public officials endorsed by the Committee for the Constitution. Restore liberty and justice for all in government, armed with an informed vote.

PLEASE CAST YOUR VOTE
to Reclaim America at:
or send your check for $1 USD to:

The Committee for the Constitution
A Trust for Americans Protecting and Defending the Constitution
111 Calverton Road
St. Louis, MO 63135-1216


Reclaim America

This 4th of July, 2010, “. . . . it is fitting and proper . . . . [that we] be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who, . . . . [have sacrificed before us] have thus far so nobly advanced”. Under attack from enemies, foreign and domestic, where government and those we elect to represent us fail to protect us, it is time that we, the people, reclaim America so “that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth”.

Those loyal to the Constitution have sounded the alarm and have made their voices heard, but it is now time for action rather than just words. We ask that all those with the Heritage Foundation, Focus on the Family, Family Research Council, etc., and those who have gathered in the Tea Parties, etc., not abandon their efforts, but, rather, join with The Committee for the Constitution to hold all public officials accountable to we, the people.

Accomplish this by casting your vote to reclaim America. Citizens loyal to the original intention of the Constitution will take an active role in this “new birth of freedom”. With their vote, Americans willing to act in restoring the heritage intended by those giving birth to “liberty and justice for all” in the government of these United States, over two centuries ago, will become a party to the contract with all public officials endorsed by the Committee for the Constitution. Restore liberty and justice for all in government, armed with an informed vote.

Please, pass this message on to all your friends and neighbors, to all on your eMail lists, and any others you have contact with at work, church, other parents at children’s activities, school, Tea Parties and like groups, etc. “Light again shines in the old North Church“, engage in the new revolution! United, we will defeat our enemies! Freedom is never free!
PLEASE CAST YOUR VOTE
to Reclaim America at:

or send your check for $1 USD to:


The Committee for the Constitution
A Trust for Americans Protecting and Defending the Constitution
111 Calverton Road
St. Louis, MO 63135-1216

Religion and the Founding of America

The State Becomes the Church

Throughout his administration Jefferson permitted church services in executive branch buildings. The Gospel was also preached in the Supreme Court chambers.

Jefferson’s actions may seem surprising because his attitude toward the relation between religion and government is usually thought to have been embodied in his recommendation that there exist “a wall of separation between church and state.” In that statement, Jefferson was apparently declaring his opposition, as Madison had done in introducing the Bill of Rights, to a “national” religion. In attending church services on public property, Jefferson and Madison consciously and deliberately were offering symbolic support to religion as a prop for republican government.

THE STATE BECOMES THE CHURCH:
JEFFERSON AND MADISON

It is no exaggeration to say that on Sundays in Washington during the administrations of Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) and of James Madison (1809-1817) the state became the church. Within a year of his inauguration, Jefferson began attending church services in the House of Representatives. Madison followed Jefferson’s example, although unlike Jefferson, who rode on horseback to church in the Capitol, Madison came in a coach and four. Worship services in the House–a practice that continued until after the Civil War–were acceptable to Jefferson because they were nondiscriminatory and voluntary. Preachers of every Protestant denomination appeared. (Catholic priests began officiating in 1826.) As early as January 1806 a female evangelist, Dorothy Ripley, delivered a camp meeting-style exhortation in the House to Jefferson, Vice President Aaron Burr, and a “crowded audience.” Throughout his administration Jefferson permitted church services in executive branch buildings. The Gospel was also preached in the Supreme Court chambers.

Jefferson’s actions may seem surprising because his attitude toward the relation between religion and government is usually thought to have been embodied in his recommendation that there exist “a wall of separation between church and state.” In that statement, Jefferson was apparently declaring his opposition, as Madison had done in introducing the Bill of Rights, to a “national” religion. In attending church services on public property, Jefferson and Madison consciously and deliberately were offering symbolic support to religion as a prop for republican government.

“A WALL OF SEPARATION”

The Providential Detection. Jefferson Attacked as an Infidel
During the presidential campaign of 1800, the Federalists attacked Thomas Jefferson as an infidel, claiming that Jefferson’s intoxication with the religious and political extremism of the French Revolution disqualified him from public office. In this cartoon, the eye of God has instigated the American eagle to snatch from Jefferson’s hand the “Constitution & Independence” of the United States before he can cast it on an “Altar to Gallic Despotism,” whose flames are being fed by the writings of Thomas Paine, Helvetius, Rousseau, and other freethinkers. The paper, “To Mazzei,” dropping from Jefferson’s right hand, was a 1796 letter that was interpreted by Jefferson’s enemies as an indictment of the character of George Washington.

The Providential Detection.
Etching by an unknown artist, c. 1800
The Library Company of Philadelphia (159)


Thomas Jefferson to Benjamin Rush, April 21, 1803 page one Jefferson’s Opinion of Jesus
In the 1790s, Thomas Jefferson, influenced by the writings of Joseph Priestly, seems to have adopted a more positive opinion of Christianity. In this letter to his friend Benjamin Rush, Jefferson asserted that he was a “Christian, in the only sense in which [Jesus] wished any one to be.” In an attached syllabus, Jefferson compared the “merit of the doctrines of Jesus” with those of the classical philosophers and the Jews. Jefferson pronounced Jesus’ doctrines, though “disfigured by the corruptions of schismatising followers” far superior to any competing system. Jefferson declined to consider the “question of [Jesus] being a member of the god-head, or in direct communication with it, claimed for him by some of his followers, and denied by others.”

Thomas Jefferson to Benjamin Rush, April 21, 1803
[page one]
– [page two] – [page three]

Holograph letter and syllabus. (Copyprint of verso.)
Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (160)

Thomas Jefferson’s reply of January 1, 1802, to an address of congratulations from the Danbury (Connecticut) Baptist Association contains a phrase familiar in today’s political and judicial circles: “a wall of separation between church and state.” Many in the United States, including the courts, have used this phrase to interpret the Founders’ intentions regarding the relationship between government and religion, as set down by the First Amendment to the Constitution: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion . . . .” However, the meaning of this clause has been the subject of passionate dispute for the past fifty years.

Presented here are both the handwritten, edited draft of the letter and an adjusted facsimile showing the original unedited draft. The draft of the letter reveals that, far from dashing it off as a “short note of courtesy,” as some have called it, Jefferson labored over its composition. Jefferson consulted Postmaster General Gideon Granger of Connecticut and Attorney General Levi Lincoln of Massachusetts while drafting the letter. That Jefferson consulted two New England politicians about his messages indicated that he regarded his reply to the Danbury Baptists as a political letter, not as a dispassionate theoretical pronouncement on the relations between government and religion.

The Lord's Prayer The Lord’s Prayer in Jefferson’s Hand
Jefferson liked to experiment with and use cryptology. There are several different codes in his papers at the Library of Congress, including this one based on the Lord’s Prayer, which Jefferson carefully wrote out as a block of consecutive letters.

The Lord’s Prayer
Thomas Jefferson, Holograph manuscript
Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (161)


The Jefferson Bible
It is thought that Jefferson prepared what is referred to as the “Jefferson Bible” in 1820. In this volume, Jefferson used excerpts from New Testaments in four languages to create parallel columns of text recounting the life of Jesus, preserving what he considered to be Christ’s authentic actions and statements, eliminating the mysterious and miraculous. He began his account with Luke’s second chapter, deleting the first in which the angel Gabriel announced to the Virgin Mary that she would give birth to the Messiah by the Holy Spirit. On the pages seen here, Jefferson deleted the part of the birth story in which the angel of the Lord appeared to the shepherds. The text ends with the crucifixion and burial and omits any resurrection appearance.

The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth [index]

The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth extracted textually from
the Gospels in Greek, Latin, French & English
[index page one][index page two][index page three]

Thomas Jefferson, c. 1820
National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution (162a)

The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth [title page]

The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth extracted textually from
the Gospels in Greek, Latin, French & English.
[title page][page one][page two]

Thomas Jefferson.
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1904
General Collections, Library of Congress (162c)


Thomas Jefferson to Nehemiah Dodge, Ephraim Robbins and Stephen S. Nelson, a committee of the Danbury Baptist Association in the state of Connecticut, January 1, 1802. A Wall of Separation
The celebrated phrase, “a wall of separation between church and state,” was contained in Thomas Jefferson’s letter to the Danbury Baptists. American courts have used the phrase to interpret the Founders’ intentions regarding the relationship between government and religion. The words, “wall of separation,” appear just above the section of the letter that Jefferson circled for deletion. In the deleted section Jefferson explained why he refused to proclaim national days of fasting and thanksgiving, as his predecessors, George Washington and John Adams, had done. In the left margin, next to the deleted section, Jefferson noted that he excised the section to avoid offending “our republican friends in the eastern states” who cherished days of fasting and thanksgiving.

Thomas Jefferson to Nehemiah Dodge, Ephraim Robbins and Stephen S. Nelson,
a committee of the Danbury Baptist Association in the state of Connecticut, January 1, 1802.

Holograph draft letter, 1802
Jefferson Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (163a)


Thomas Jefferson to Nehemiah Dodge, Ephraim Robbins and Stephen S. Nelson, a committee of the Danbury Baptist Association in the state of Connecticut, January 1, 1802. The Danbury Baptist Letter, as Originally Drafted
The Library of Congress is grateful to the Federal Bureau of Investigation Laboratory for recovering the lines obliterated from the Danbury Baptist letter by Thomas Jefferson. He originally wrote “a wall of eternal separation between church and state,” later deleting the word “eternal.” He also deleted the phrase “the duties of my station, which are merely temporal.” Jefferson must have been unhappy with the uncompromising tone of both of these phrases, especially in view of the implications of his decision, two days later, to begin attending church services in the House of Representatives.

Thomas Jefferson to Nehemiah Dodge, Ephraim Robbins and Stephen S. Nelson,
a committee of the Danbury Baptist Association in the state of Connecticut, January 1, 1802.

Letter, digitally revised to expose obliterated sections. Copyprint
Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (163b)


Journal entry, January 3, 1802. Jefferson at Church in the Capitol
In his diary, Manasseh Cutler (1742-1823), a Federalist Congressman from Massachusetts and Congregational minister, notes that on Sunday, January 3, 1802, John Leland preached a sermon on the text “Behold a greater than Solomon is here. Jef[ferso]n was present.” Thomas Jefferson attended this church service in Congress, just two days after issuing the Danbury Baptist letter. Leland, a celebrated Baptist minister, had moved from Orange County, Virginia, and was serving a congregation in Cheshire, Massachusetts, from which he had delivered to Jefferson a gift of a “mammoth cheese,” weighing 1235 pounds.

Journal entry, January 3, 1802
Manasseh Cutler
Charles Deering McCormick Library of Special Collections, Northwestern University Library (164)


Manasseh Cutler to Joseph Torrey, January 3, 1803. [page one]

Jefferson and Family at Church
Manasseh Cutler to Joseph Torrey, January 3, 1803. [page one][page two][page three][page four]
In this letter Manasseh Cutler informs Joseph Torrey that Thomas Jefferson “and his family
have constantly attended public worship in the Hall” of the House of Representatives.
Manuscript letter
Charles Deering McCormick Library of Special Collections, Northwestern University Library (165)


Reminiscences.[right] Reminiscences.[left] Reserved Seats at Capitol Services
Here is a description, by an early Washington “insider,” Margaret Bayard Smith (1778-1844), a writer and social critic and wife of Samuel Harrison Smith, publisher of the National Intelligencer, of Jefferson’s attendance at church services in the House of Representatives: “Jefferson during his whole administration was a most regular attendant. The seat he chose the first day sabbath, and the adjoining one, which his private secretary occupied, were ever afterwards by the courtesy of the congregation, left for him.”

Reminiscences. [left page][right page]
Margaret Bayard Smith, 1837. Manuscript volume. (Copyprint of verso)
Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (166-166a)


Catherine Akerly Mitchill to her sister, Margaret Miller, April 8, 1806. Incident at Congressional Church Services
In this letter Catherine Mitchill, wife of New York senator Samuel Latham Mitchill, describes stepping on Jefferson’s toes at the conclusion of a church service in the House of Representatives. She was “so prodigiously frighten’d,” she told her sister, “that I could not stop to make an apology, but got out of the way as quick as I could.”

Catherine Akerly Mitchill to her sister, Margaret Miller, April 8, 1806.
Manuscript letter
Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (167)


Abijah Bigelow to Hannah Bigelow, December 28, 1812.[right page] Abijah Bigelow to Hannah Bigelow, December 28, 1812. [left page] Madison Seen at House Church Service
Abijah Bigelow, a Federalist congressman from Massachusetts, describes President James Madison at a church service in the House on December 27, 1812, as well as an incident that had occurred when Jefferson was in attendance some years earlier.

Abijah Bigelow to Hannah Bigelow, December 28, 1812. [left page][right page]
Manuscript letter
The American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts (168)


The President's Own United States Marine Corp Band, ca. 1798. Hymns Played at Congressional Church Service
According to Margaret Bayard Smith, a regular at church services in the Capitol, the Marine Band “made quite a dazzling appearance in the gallery . . . but in their attempts to accompany the psalm-singing of the congregation, they completely failed and after a while, the practice was discontinued.”

“The President’s Own” United States Marine Corp Band, ca. 1798.
Watercolor, Lt. Col. Donna Neary, USMCR, late twentieth century. Copyprint.
United States Marine Corp Band, Washington, D.C. (169)


The Old House of Representatives. The Old House of Representatives
Church services were held in what is now called Statuary Hall from 1807 to 1857. The first services in the Capitol, held when the government moved to Washington in the fall of 1800, were conducted in the “hall” of the House in the north wing of the building. In 1801 the House moved to temporary quarters in the south wing, called the “Oven,” which it vacated in 1804, returning to the north wing for three years. Services were conducted in the House until after the Civil War. The Speaker’s podium was used as the preacher’s pulpit.

The Old House of Representatives
Oil on canvas by Samuel F.B. Morse, 1822. Copyprint.
In the collection of the Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Museum Purchase, Gallery Fund (170)


A Sermon on the Second Coming of Christ, and on the Last Judgment. A Millennialist Sermon Preached in Congress
This sermon on the millennium was preached by the Baltimore Swedenborgian minister, John Hargrove (1750-1839) in the House of Representatives. One of the earliest millennialist sermons preached before Congress was offered on July 4, 1801, by the Reverend David Austin (1759-1831), who at the time considered himself “struck in prophesy under the style of the Joshua of the American Temple.” Having proclaimed to his Congressional audience the imminence of the Second Coming of Christ, Austin took up a collection on the floor of the House to support services at “Lady Washington’s Chapel” in a nearby hotel where he was teaching that “the seed of the Millennial estate is found in the backbone of the American Revolution.”

A Sermon on the Second Coming of Christ, and on the Last Judgment.
Delivered the 25th December, 1804 before both houses of Congress, at the Capitol in the city of Washington. John Hargrove. Baltimore: Warner & Hanna, 1805
Rare Book and Special Collections Division, Library of Congress (171)


John England, Bishop of Charleston, South Carolina. First Catholic Sermon in the House
On January 8, 1826, Bishop John England (1786-1842) of Charleston, South Carolina, became the first Catholic clergyman to preach in the House of Representatives. The overflow audience included President John Quincy Adams, whose July 4, 1821, speech England rebutted in his sermon. Adams had claimed that the Roman Catholic Church was intolerant of other religions and therefore incompatible with republican institutions. England asserted that “we do not believe that God gave to the church any power to interfere with our civil rights, or our civil concerns.” “I would not allow to the Pope, or to any bishop of our church,” added England, “the smallest interference with the humblest vote at our most insignificant balloting box.”

John England, Bishop of Charleston, South Carolina
Oil on canvas
Diocese of Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina (173)


The substance of a discourse preached in the hall of the House of Representatives of the United States,  January 8, 1826.

The substance of a discourse preached in the hall of the House of Representatives
of the United States, January 8, 1826.

John England. Baltimore: F. Lucas, 1826
Rare Book and Special Collections Division, Library of Congress (172)


Harriet Livermore. Woman Preacher in the House
In 1827, Harriet Livermore (1788-1868), the daughter and granddaughter of Congressmen, became the second woman to preach in the House of Representatives. The first woman to preach before the House (and probably the first woman to speak officially in Congress under any circumstances) was the English evangelist, Dorothy Ripley (1767-1832), who conducted a service on January 12, 1806. Jefferson and Vice President Aaron Burr were among those in a “crowded audience.” Sizing up the congregation, Ripley concluded that “very few” had been born again and broke into an urgent, camp meeting style exhortation, insisting that “Christ’s Body was the Bread of Life and His Blood the drink of the righteous.”

Harriet Livermore.
Engraving by J.B. Longacre, from a painting by Waldo and Jewett, 1827
National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution (174)


Journal entry, December 23, 1804. Communion Service in the Treasury Building
Manasseh Cutler here describes a four-hour communion service in the Treasury Building, conducted by a Presbyterian minister, the Reverend James Laurie: “Attended worship at the Treasury. Mr. Laurie alone. Sacrament. Full assembly. Three tables; service very solemn; nearly four hours.”

Journal entry, December 23, 1804
Manasseh Cutler. Manuscript
Charles Deering McCormick Library of Special Collections, Northwestern University Library (175)


Washington City, 1820. The Treasury Building
The first Treasury Building, where several denominations conducted church services, was burned by the British in 1814. The new building, seen here on the lower right, was built on approximately the same location as the earlier one, within view of the White House.

Washington City, 1820.
Watercolor sketch by Baroness Hyde de Neuville, 1820
I. N. Phelps Stokes Collection, The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art,
Prints and Photographs, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations (176)


Diary entry, February 2, 1806. Adams’s Description of a Church Service in the Supreme Court
John Quincy Adams here describes the Reverend James Laurie, pastor of a Presbyterian Church that had settled into the Treasury Building, preaching to an overflow audience in the Supreme Court Chamber, which in 1806 was located on the ground floor of the Capitol.

Diary entry, February 2, 1806
John Quincy Adams. Copyprint
Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston (177)


The Old Supreme Court Chamber, ca. 1810, U. S. Capitol Building. The Old Supreme Court Chamber
Description of church services in the Supreme Court chamber by Manasseh Cutler (1804) and John Quincy Adams (1806) indicate that services were held in the Court soon after the government moved to Washington in 1800.

The Old Supreme Court Chamber, ca. 1810, U. S. Capitol Building
Photograph by Franz Jantzen. Copyprint
Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States (178)


Fundraising brochure. Church Services in Congress after the Civil War
Charles Boynton (1806-1883) was in 1867 chaplain of the House of Representatives and organizing pastor of the First Congregational Church in Washington, which was trying at that time to build its own sanctuary. In the meantime the church, as Boynton informed potential donors, was holding services “at the Hall of Representatives” where “the audience is the largest in town. . . .nearly 2000 assembled every Sabbath” for services, making the congregation in the House the “largest Protestant Sabbath audience then in the United States.” The First Congregational Church met in the House from 1865 to 1868.

Fundraising brochure
Charles B. Boynton. Washington, D.C.: November 1, 1867
Rare Book and Special Collections Division, Library of Congress (180)


The House of Representatives, 1866. House of Representatives, After the Civil War
The House moved to its current location on the south side of the Capitol in 1857. It contained the “largest Protestant Sabbath audience” in the United States when the First Congregational Church of Washington held services there from 1865 to 1868.

The House of Representatives, 1866
Chromo-lithograph by E. Sachse & Co, 1866
Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress (179)

[ PART 1 ] [ PART 2 ]

--------------------------------- HOME EXHIBITION OVERVIEW OBJECT LIST
SECTIONS: I. America as Refuge – II. 18th Century America
III. American Revolution – IV. Congress of the Confederation – V. State Governments
VI. Federal Government – VII. New Republic

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Library of Congress

Reclaim America

Reclaim America

This 4th of July, 2010, “. . . . it is fitting and proper . . . . [that we] be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who, . . . . [have sacrificed before us] have thus far so nobly advanced”. Under attack from enemies, foreign and domestic, where government and those we elect to represent us fail to protect us, it is time that we, the people, reclaim America so “that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth”.

Reclaim America
This 4th of July, 2010, “. . . . it is fitting and proper . . . . [that we] be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who, . . . . [have sacrificed before us] have thus far so nobly advanced”. Under attack from enemies, foreign and domestic, where government and those we elect to represent us fail to protect us, it is time that we, the people, reclaim America so “that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth”.
Those loyal to the Constitution have sounded the alarm and have made their voices heard, but it is now time for action rather than just words. We ask that all those with the Heritage Foundation, Focus on the Family, Family Research Council, etc., and those who have gathered in the Tea Parties, etc., not abandon their efforts, but, rather, join with The Committee for the Constitution to hold all public officials accountable to we, the people.
Accomplish this by casting your vote to reclaim America. With your vote in the form of a $1 or more donation to the CftC, you become a party to the contract with any candidate for public office endorsed by the CftC. Citizens loyal to the original intention of the Constitution will take an active role in this “new birth of freedom”. Demand liberty and justice for all in government, armed with an informed vote.
Please, pass this message on to all your friends and neighbors, to all on your eMail lists, and any others you have contact with at work, church, other parents at children’s activities, school, Tea Party and like groups, etc. “Light again shines in the old North Church”, engage in the new revolution! United, we will defeat our enemies!
PLEASE CAST YOUR VOTE
to ReclaimAmerica at :


or send your check for $1 USD to:
The Committee for the Constitution
A Trust for Americans Protecting and Defending the Constitution
111 Calverton Road
St. Louis, MO 63135-1216

The Contract to Protect and Defend the Constitution

The Contract to Protect and Defend the Original Intention of the Constitution

     This Contract to protect and defend the original intentions of Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of candidate’s state, is made by and between full name of candidate, hereinafter last name of candidate or “Candidate”, candidate for the public office of name or title of office or position, in full, specific name of jurisdiction, party of the First Part; and The Committee for the Constitution, and those who have contributed monies to The Committee for the Constitution for the purpose of protecting and defending the original intention of the Constitution of the United States and the Constitutions of the various States, party of the Second Part, hereinafter “CftC” or “Committee for the Constitution”. Acceptance of this Contract by the Candidate and the CftC shall entitle the Candidate to claim endorsement by the CftC.

     For the purposes of this Contract, the original intention of the Constitution of the United States and the Constitutions of the various States are summarized, where present, in the Preambles of those Constitutions according to the meanings ascribed to them by the makers of the “supreme law” of the United States of America and the various States. Those intentions may not be otherwise interpreted or otherwise modified by any adjudication or act of law except as provided for in the respective Constitutions themselves. That original intention of the Constitution of the United States is “. . . . to form a more perfect union, to insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity . . . .”.

     Further, for the purposes of this Contract, I, full name of candidate, with full knowledge, understanding, and ascent, witnessed hereto by my signature below, waive all privileges, immunities, exemptions, or exceptions to this contract of or from any source, judicial or legislative, not described or otherwise afforded by the said Constitutions. In any case of dispute or discrepancy between Constitutions, the Constitution of the United States shall rule. For the purposes of this waiver section, the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States is hereby accepted to be regarding and referring only to involuntary servitude and only to those rights, privileges, and immunities spelled out or otherwise enumerated in the Bill of Rights of the Constitution of the United States. Waiver of all privileges, immunities, exemptions, or exceptions to this contract not described or otherwise afforded by the said Constitutions are waived from any source, judicial or legislative, by the authority of the U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 10, Paragraph 1.

     By this Contact, I, last name of candidate additionally agree that the original intention of the Framers, as applicable to present circumstances and situations, are accomplished by legislation that enables, enacts, and enforces their intention as determined from the confirmed legislative history of the Constitution of the United States of America and the Constitutions of the various States, and the recorded, validated words and writings of the makers of the law.

     By my signature attached hereto, I, last name of candidate fully and completely understand that it is the expressed obligation of this Contract to fulfill and carry out that original intention, and that I will only vote for, support, adjudicate, or in any way encourage, enable, enact, or enforce the following as being representative of that original intention. Failure to, in any way, to the best of my ability,vote for, support, adjudicate, or in any way encourage, enable, enact, or enforce the following is a breach of this Contract. These provisions are not exclusive, and may be added to or removed governed only by the Constitution of the United States and the Constitutions of the various States.

·Balanced budget;

·Neutral or positive balance of trade;

·End judicial activism;

·Line-item veto;

·Federal bureaucracy limited to its Constitutional mandate;

·Lower taxes / minimize indirect taxes;

·Return states’ rights;

·Limit welfare from Federal provision (apply only when true needs are not otherwise able to be met);

·Return, as best possible, responsibility for caring to churches and philanthropies;

·Return control of education to the people and the states; remove it from educational unions;

·Promote the education of science and technology;

·Promote quality teachers and public education at all levels;

·Promote merit, need scholarships in science and technology;

·End foreign entanglements except to protect Americans and their property;

·Stop money from being the vehicle to accomplish foreign aid – provide education, food, medicine, etc. directly;

·Remove all politicians, judiciary, and public officials not loyal to the original intention of the Constitution;

·No legislative or judicial infringement of the Bill of Rights;

·Make us energy independent; use all available resources, develop cost-effective alternative energy, and protect the environment;

·Protect Social Security – all politicians and Federal employees under same Social Security plan as public;

·Close and protect our borders; enforce immigration laws; end birthright citizenship;

·Establish true non-profit, payer/provider partnership, private sector, medical insurance plan; mandate private sector universal, queryable healthcare information database;

·Tax unjust salaries and compensation;

·No tax money for abortion; no abortion after 1st trimester except to save mother; live birth abortion criminally prosecuted; no “partial-birth abortion”;

·Protect American jobs; be a responsible partner in the global economy;

·Eliminate the Federal deficit (debt) over reasonable time frame;

·Prevent foreign ownership of more than 49% of any American corporation;

·Revamp prison system to promote rehabilitation – eliminate abuse and crime by real punishment;

·Non-discrimination – competitive right to work; return union control to the rank and file;

·Economically feasible water conservation, irrigation, and flood control;

·Military supremacy maintained by technology and appropriate manpower levels; military removed from unjustified bureaucracy and unjust political motivations; no foreign control of military;

·Protect American intellectual property and technology to promote American industry and agriculture, and to provide American jobs;

·Protect and secure American national security information and technology; prosecute violators as traitors (treason) to the fullest extent of the law;

·Governance (boards of directors) of American publicly held and/or traded entities elected by 1/3 workers, 1/3 minority shareholders/owners, 1/3 majority shareholders/owners;

·Regulation of interstate commerce, international trade, and American natural resources based only on true science, public interest and safety, environment and conservation, and benefit to the American economy;

·Start Congress with a clean slate; only those legislators legally bound to protect and defend the original intention of the Constitution elected; enforce oath of office either by recall, impeachment, or other means; Congress establishes rules for itself consistent with Constitutional intent – no more piggy-backing, pork-barrel legislation, etc.

(The provisions in the above section may be amended by changing the wording, with and subject to the approval of the CftC, but the topic or subject addressed must be included)

     BREACH or any failure to abide by all the terms of this Contract shall, at the sole discretion of the Committee for the Constitution, without any other or further recourse to the Candidate, either at law or equity, immediately remove the endorsement of the Committee for the Constitution granted to the Candidate. Thereafter, Candidate must immediately remove all reference to the endorsement of the Committee for the Constitution from all ads, posters, and/or any other mention or publication by the Candidate of the endorsement of the Committee for the Constitution. If the Candidate does not by Candidate’s own volition, upon Candidate becoming aware of any breach of this Contract, remove the endorsement granted by the Committee for the Constitution, thereby immediately terminating this Contract, the Committee for the Constitution may, by any means at its own discretion, notify the Candidate of the termination of this Contract.

     FURTHER, and in addition to the above, any BREACH of this Contract to protect and defend the original intentions of Constitution shall subject this Candidate to due process at law or equity for the return to donors of all campaign funds allocated for the benefit of the Candidate between the time of initial endorsement of the Committee for the Constitution and the termination of the endorsement of the Committee for the Constitution. Due process may be initiated against the Candidate by any member or class of the party of the Second Part. Such due process shall not be undertaken prior to the completion of the Candidate’s term of office, if such exists, or immediately upon termination of this Contract, if there is no prescribed term of office, or immediately upon recall, impeachment, or other removal from office by law. The non-prevailing party shall be liable for all costs and attorney’s fees.

SIGNED,

this        day of                                , 20    

BY:_____________________________________________

Candidate ( party of the First Part )

County of county of jurisdiction)

                                          )ss

State of    state of jurisdiction )

I, Notary Public of the State of state of jurisdiction, declare that on this _____day of __________,

_________, full name of candidate, being well known to me or providing government approved identification, came before me and acknowledged that by their signature above, this Contract was entered into of their own free act and that it is their intention to execute the Contract above.

My commission expires on

(SEAL)

The Formation of the Constitution

The Formation of the Constitution

    The creation of the United States Constitution—John Adams described the Constitutional Convention as “the greatest single effort of national deliberation that the world has ever seen”—was a seminal event in the history of human liberty. The story of that creation in the summer of 1787 is itself a significant aspect in determining the meaning of the document.

    In June 1776, amid growing sentiment for American independence and after hostilities with the British army had commenced at Lexington, Massachusetts, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia introduced a resolution in the Second Continental Congress for the colonies to collectively dissolve political connections with Great Britain, pursue foreign alliances, and draft a plan of confederation. These actions resulted in the Declaration of Independence of 1776, the Franco-American Alliance of 1778, and the Articles of Confederation, which were proposed in 1777 and ratified in 1781.

    From its conception, the inherent weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation made it awkward at best and unworkable at worst. Each state governed itself through elected representatives, and the state representatives in turn elected a weak national government. There was no independent executive, and the Congress lacked authority to impose taxes to cover national expenses. Because all thirteen colonies had to ratify amendments, one state’s refusal prevented structural reform; nine of thirteen states had to approve important legislation, which meant five states could thwart any major proposal. And although the Congress could negotiate treaties with foreign powers, all treaties had to be ratified by the states.

    The defects of the Articles became more and more apparent during the “critical period” of 1781–1787. By the end of the war in 1783, it was clear that the new system was, as George Washington observed, “a shadow without the substance.” Weakness in international affairs and in the face of continuing European threats in North America, the inability to enforce the peace treaty or collect enough taxes to pay foreign creditors, and helplessness in quelling domestic disorder, such as Shays’s Rebellion—all intensified the drive for a stronger national government.

    If that were not enough, the Americans faced an even larger problem. Absolutely committed to the idea of popular rule, they knew that previous attempts to establish such a government had almost always led to majority tyranny—that of the overbearing many disregarding the rights of the few. In The Federalist No. 10, James Madison famously described this as the problem of faction, the latent causes of which are “sown in the nature of man.” Previous solutions usually rendered government weak, and thus susceptible to all the problems with which the Founders were most concerned. This was the case in the individual states, which, dominated by their popular legislatures, routinely violated rights of property and contract and limited the independence of the judiciary.

    In 1785, representatives from Maryland and Virginia, meeting at George Washington’s Mount Vernon to discuss interstate trade, requested a meeting of the states to discuss trade and commerce generally. Although only five states met at Annapolis in 1786, James Madison and Alexander Hamilton used the failed conference to issue a clarion call for a general convention of all the states “to render the constitution of government adequate to the exigencies of the Union.” After several states, including Virginia and Pennsylvania, chose delegates for the meeting, the Congress acquiesced with a narrower declaration that the “sole and express purpose” of the upcoming Convention would be to revise the Articles of Confederation.

    The next year, from May 25 to September 17, 1787, state delegates met in what is now called Independence Hall, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania—as it says in the Constitution’s Preamble—to “form a more perfect Union.” It was an impressive group. Not only were there leaders in the fight for independence, such as Roger Sherman and John Dickinson, and leading thinkers just coming into prominence, such as Madison, Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris, but also already-legendary figures, such as Washington and Benjamin Franklin. Every state was represented, except for one: Rhode Island, fearful that a strong national government would injure its lucrative trade, opposed revising the Articles of Confederation and sent no delegates. Patrick Henry and Samuel Adams, both of whom opposed the creation of a strong central government, did not attend. Notably absent were John Jay, who was then U.S. secretary of foreign affairs, and John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, who were out of the country on government missions. Nonetheless, Jefferson described the gathering as “an assembly of demigods.”

    As its first order of business, the delegates unanimously chose Washington as president of the Convention. Having initially hesitated in attending the Convention, once decided, Washington pushed the delegates to adopt “no temporizing expedient” but instead to “probe the defects of the Constitution to the bottom, and provide radical cures.” While they waited in Philadelphia for a quorum, Washington presided over daily meetings of the Virginia delegation (composed of Washington, George Mason, George Wythe, John Blair, Edmund Randolph, James McClurg, and James Madison) to consider strategy and the reform proposals that would become the plan presented at the outset of the Convention. Although he contributed to formal debate only once at the end of the Convention, Washington was actively involved throughout the three-and-a-half-month proceedings.

    There were three basic rules of the Convention: voting was to be by state, with each state, regardless of size or population, having one vote; proper decorum was to be maintained at all times; and the proceedings were to be strictly secret. To encourage free and open discussion and debate, the Convention shifted back and forth between full sessions and meetings of the Committee of the Whole, a parliamentary procedure that allowed informal debate and flexibility in deciding and reconsidering individual issues. Although the Convention hired a secretary, the best records of the debate—and thus the most immediate source of the intended meaning of the clauses—are the detailed notes of Madison, which, in keeping with the pledge of secrecy, were not published until 1840.

    As soon as the Convention agreed on its rules, Edmund Randolph of the Virginia delegation presented a set of fifteen resolutions, known as the Virginia Plan, which set aside the Articles of Confederation and created in its stead a supreme national government with separate legislative, executive, and judicial branches. This was largely the work of James Madison, who came to the Convention extensively prepared and well-versed in the ancient and modern history of republican government. (See his memorandum on the “Vices of the Political System of the United States.”) The delegates generally agreed on the powers that should be lodged in a national legislature, but disagreed on how the states and popular opinion should be reflected in it. Under the Virginia Plan, population would determine representation in each of the two houses of Congress.

    To protect their equal standing, delegates from less-populous states rallied around William Paterson’s alternative New Jersey Plan to amend the Articles of Confederation, which would preserve each state’s equal vote in a one-house Congress with slightly augmented powers. When the delegates rejected the New Jersey Plan, Roger Sherman proffered what is often called “the Great Compromise” (or the Connecticut Compromise, after Sherman’s home state) that the House of Representatives would be apportioned based on population and each state would have an equal vote in the Senate. A special Committee of Eleven (one delegate from each state) elaborated upon the proposal, and then the Convention adopted it. As a precaution against having to assume the financial burdens of the smaller states, the larger states exacted an agreement that revenue bills could originate only in the House, where the more populous states would have greater representation.

    In late July, a Committee of Detail (composed of John Rutledge of South Carolina, Edmund Randolph of Virginia, Nathaniel Gorham of Massachusetts, Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, and James Wilson of Pennsylvania) reworked the resolutions of the expanded Virginia Plan into a draft Constitution; the text now included a list of eighteen powers of Congress, a “necessary and proper” clause, and a number of prohibitions on the states. Over most of August and into early September, the Convention carefully worked over this draft and then gave it to a Committee of Style (William Johnson of Connecticut, Alexander Hamilton of New York, Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania, James Madison of Virginia, and Rufus King of Massachusetts) to polish the language. The notable literary quality of the Constitution, most prominently the language of the Preamble, is due to Morris’s influence. The delegates continued revising the final draft until September 17 (now celebrated as Constitution Day), when delegates signed the Constitution and sent it to the Congress of the Confederation, and the Convention officially adjourned.

    Some of the original fifty-five delegates had returned home over the course of the summer and were not present at the Convention’s conclusion. Of the forty-one that were, only three delegates—Edmund Randolph and George Mason of Virginia and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts—opposed the Constitution and chose not to sign. Randolph (who had introduced the Virginia Plan) thought in the end that the Constitution was not sufficiently republican, and was wary of creating a single executive. Mason and Gerry (who later supported the Constitution and served in the First Congress) were concerned about the lack of a declaration of rights. Despite these objections, George Washington thought that it was “little short of a miracle” that the delegates had agreed on a new Constitution. Thomas Jefferson, who was also concerned about the lack of a bill of rights, nevertheless wrote that the Constitution “is unquestionably the wisest ever yet presented to men.”

    On September 28, Congress sent the Constitution to the states to be ratified by popular conventions. See Article VII (Ratification). Delaware was the first state to ratify the Constitution, on December 7, 1787; the last of the thirteen original colonies to ratify was Rhode Island, on May 29, 1790, two-and-a-half years later. It was during the ratification debate in the state of New York that Hamilton, Madison, and John Jay wrote a series of newspaper essays under the pen name of Publius, later collected in book form as The Federalist, to refute the arguments of the Anti-Federalist opponents of the proposed Constitution. With the ratification by the ninth state—New Hampshire, on June 21, 1788—Congress passed a resolution to make the new Constitution operative, and set dates for choosing presidential electors and the opening session of the new Congress.

    There had been some discussion among the delegates of the need for a bill of rights, a proposal that was rejected by the Convention. The lack of a bill of rights like that found in most state constitutions, however, became a rallying cry for the Anti-Federalists, and the advocates of the Constitution (led by James Madison) agreed to add one in the first session of Congress. Ratified on December 15, 1791, the first ten amendments—called the Bill of Rights—include sweeping restrictions on the federal government and its ability to limit certain fundamental rights and procedural matters. The Ninth and Tenth Amendments briefly encapsulate the twofold theory of the Constitution: the purpose of the Constitution is to protect rights, which stem not from the government but from the people themselves; and the powers of the national government are limited to only those delegated to it by the Constitution on behalf of the people.

    In addition to the provisions of the document, three important unstated mechanisms are at work in the Constitution: the extended Republic, the separation of powers, and federalism. The Founders believed that citizen virtue was crucial for the success of republican government but they knew that passion and interest were permanent parts of human nature and could not be controlled by parchment barriers alone. “A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government,” Madison explained in The Federalist No. 51, “but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.” Rather than hoping for the best, the Founders designed a system that would harness these opposite and rival interests to supply “the defect of better motives.”

    The effect of representation—of individual citizens being represented in the government rather than ruling through direct participatory democracy—is to refine and moderate public opinion through a deliberative process. Extending the Republic, literally increasing the size of the nation, would take in a greater number and variety of opinions, making it harder for a majority to form on narrow interests contrary to the common good. The majority that did develop would be more settled and, by necessity, would encompass (and represent) a wider diversity of opinion. This idea that bigger is better reversed the prevailing assumption that republican government could work only in small states.

    The Founders also knew, again as Madison explained in The Federalist No. 48, that “the accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.” In order to distribute power and prevent its accumulation, they created three separate branches of government, each performing its own functions and duties and sharing a few powers—as when the President shares the legislative power through the veto—so that they would have an incentive to check each other. Jefferson called the “republican form and principles of our Constitution” and “the salutary distribution of powers” in the Constitution the “two sheet anchors of our Union.” “If driven from either,” he predicted, “we shall be in danger of foundering.”

    And although national powers were clearly enhanced by the Constitution, the federal government was to exercise only delegated powers, the remainder being reserved to the states or the people. Despite the need for additional national authority, the Framers remained distrustful of government in general and of a centralized federal government in particular. “The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined,” Madison wrote in The Federalist No. 45. “Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite.” To give the states more leverage against the national government, equal state representation in the Senate was blended into the national legislature (and guaranteed in Article V). “This balance between the National and State governments ought to be dwelt on with peculiar attention, as it is of the utmost importance,” Hamilton argued at the New York state ratifying convention. “It forms a double security to the people. If one encroaches on their rights they will find a powerful protection in the other. Indeed, they will both be prevented from overpassing their constitutional limits by a certain rivalship, which will ever subsist between them.”

    When the Constitutional Convention assembled on the morning of September 17, 1787, the completed document was read aloud to the delegates for one last time. Thereupon Benjamin Franklin, the eighty-one-year-old patriarch of the group, rose to speak. He declared his support for the new Constitution—”with all its faults, if they are such”—because he thought a new government was necessary for the young nation. Franklin continued:

I doubt too whether any other convention we can obtain may be able to make a better Constitution. For when you assemble a number of men to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men, all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an Assembly can a perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, Sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies. . . . Thus I consent, Sir, to this Constitution because I expect no better, and because I am not sure, that it is not the best.

    As the delegates came forward, one at a time, to sign their names to the final document, Madison recorded Franklin’s final comment, just before the Constitutional Convention was dissolved. Referring to the sun painted on the back of Washington’s chair, Franklin said that he had often in the course of the Session, and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that behind the President without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting. But now at length I have the happiness to know that it is a rising and not a setting Sun.

    “The business being thus closed,” George Washington recorded in his private diary, the delegates proceeded to City Tavern, where they dined together and took a cordial leave of each other; after which I returned to my lodgings, did some business with and received the papers from the Secretary of the Convention, and retired to meditate on the momentous work which had been executed. . . .

Matthew Spalding
Vice President, American Studies
Director, B. Kenneth Simon Center for Principles and Politics
The Heritage Foundation

What Endorsement by the CftC Means

What Endorsement by The Committee for the Constitution Means
All political candidates seeking to be elected or appointed to any public office of “honor and trust” in the United States may obtain the endorsement of The Committee for the Constitution by signing a legally binding contract to protect and defend the original intention of the Constitution.

Register your vote to defeat our enemies, “foreign and domestic”, by sending $1 now. Let your voice for liberty and justice for all resound in your community, and in your vote at the polls. Reclaim our heritage. May America bless God.


What Endorsement by The Committee for the Constitution Means

All political candidates seeking to be elected or appointed to any public office of “honor and trust” in the United States may obtain the endorsement of The Committee for the Constitution by signing a legally binding contract to protect and defend the original intention of the Constitution.
To restore government bound by the original intention of the Constitution, the “special interests”, referred to by James Madison in the Federalist #10, giving the financial support to the enemies of freedom and true justice for all, must have their on-gong attack on America countered by a righteous majority. Loyal Americans voting to reclaim the heritage of the America paid for by the sacrifices we honor this 4th of July by contributing one dollar or more to The Committee for the Constitution will become a party to the contract, and will fire the first shots of this battle signaling the beginning this new revolution. Voting for and supporting only candidates endorsed by The Committee for the Constitution, those enlisting in the war to restore the Framers’ intention to our government will join those fighting and resisting tyranny and injustice at Valley Forge, Ft. McHenry, Gettysburg, Normandy, and all the battlefields for right and justice since 1776 and earlier.
By holding those who represent us accountable to “the supreme law of the land”, government in this “one Nation under God” will return “liberty and justice for all” to this formerly blessed country between the “shining seas”. Not just political rhetoric, with the support of loyal Americans, unbridled capitalism and the horrendous injustices of uncontrolled socialism will be abolished by legislatures reclaiming the America envisioned by those giving it birth over two hundred years ago. If every American seeking a return of a limited Federal government, with its corrupted; out of control, unjust power, unchecked and unbalanced according to the Framers intention, will cast their vote to reclaim America by contributing just $1 to The Committee for the Constitution, the truth will regain a voice of liberty overcoming the propaganda of lies and deceptions spewing from the traitors in our midst.
Not only catching the attention of those now holding the reigns of unjust political power, this vote will enable the establishment, administration, and enforcement of the contract consummated by the endorsement of The Committee for the Constitution. Parties to the contract to protect and defend the original intention of the Constitution may act individually or as a class to seek judicial relief for violation of the terms of the contract. Alternatively, The Committee for the Constitution may bring suit on behalf of the class seeking removal from office of any candidate, if elected or appointed after endorsement, and/or repayment of campaign contributions from any candidate.
Because tolerance is the enemy of justice, the power and influence of those seeking to destroy America must be replaced with truth manifest as morality and integrity. Whether brought to office supported by the lies and deceptions of the liberal media, or as a consequence of the corrupted and broken educational system preaching false science and revisionist history leading citizens to move beyond reason in the election process, politicians so indoctrinated with lies and deceptions, illiterate as to technology, economics and history, must never again hold political offices. If members of Congress fail in their oath of office, that failure to uphold this contract must be communicated to those electing them. Conveying only relevant specifics and truth, loyal American constituents, parties to this contract, armed with the facts and evidence of violation, would then seek judicial redress in removing the errant public official from office.
This new, and indeed, revolutionary contract would be specific as to various planks in a platform reflecting the original intention of the Constitution that each candidate for public office would be required to sign, legally binding them, in order to be endorsed by The Committee for the Constitution.
Echoing the words of our first President in his Farewell Address to Congress, in speaking of government, he said, “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports . . .”; “And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion . . .” ; and ” . . . reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle”. From Charles Carroll, signer of the Declaration of Independence, and William McGuffey, in his preface to McGuffey’s Reader, standard textbook in American public schools from 1836-1920, respectively, are the words, “”Without morals a republic cannot subsist any length of time; they therefore who are decrying the Christian religion, whose morality is so sublime and pure (and) which insures to the good eternal happiness, are undermining the solid foundation of morals, the best security for the duration of free governments.”; and “The Christian religion is the religion of our country. From it are derived our prevalent notions of the character of God, the great moral governor of the universe. On its doctrines are founded the peculiarities of our free institutions. The Ten Commandments and the teachings of Jesus are not only basic but plenary.” By judicial activists, again contrary to the original intention of the Constitution, illegally removing religion from our schools, our children in public schools are deprived of a moral compass. One plank of the afore mentioned platform/contract would include a return to the original intention of the Constitution, with Congress and state legislatures taking control of an errant judiciary.
Another provision of this contract would address a concern vital to the interests of all loyal Americans. We are in a global war of ideologies. The strength of America resides in a previous capacity to take the best and brightest from the melting pot of cultures that formed the American political tradition. The American worker and the work ethic that made America great have been sacrificed to political agendas stemming from those false ideologies which were totally unacceptable and foreign to the generations of men and women who paid the price for “liberty and justice for all”. At the least, the morality and values that sustained the most blessed nation in the world have been obscured by the tolerance of injustice and untruth emanating from the false ideologies and religions. In the past, immigrants to America embraced those fundamental truths and ideals applicable to all successful societies, and desired to assimilate into this republican democracy. Now, we are confronted with foreign and alien cultures, languages, ideologies, etc. wanting us to change to or embrace ideas or behaviors that have been less or unsuccessful. With absolute respect to the Framers’ doctrine of freedom of religion, not freedom from religion, we are being consumed or rotting from within, infected with the ideologies of lies and deceptions. The Framers intended that every citizen have an “unalienable Right” to protect themselves, their families, and their property, from any behavior, ideology, person, power, or principality, by whatever means necessary, threatening that which has been “endowed” to them “by their Creator”.
All other issues clouding the political landscape, such as environmental issues, energy independence, true healthcare reform, etc. must be addressed with solutions incorporating American free enterprise and ingenuity. True science and historically validated facts, not the lies and propaganda spewing from liberal humanists, must guide political initiatives. The Executive branch must be populated with the best qualified experts regardless of politics or party affiliations, with the only criteria that government must “promote” what justly benefits all Americans. There must be no discrimination tolerated on any grounds, although fluent, clear spoken and written English will be requisite.
As to other specific planks in the platform, the contract would include, but not be exclusive to the following:
  • Balanced budget

 

  • End judicial activism

 

  • Line-item veto

 

  • Federal bureaucracy limited to its Constitutional mandate

 

  • Lower taxes / minimize indirect taxes

 

  • Taxes used for their legislated purpose – end “revenue sharing”

 

  • Return / restore states’ rights

 

  • Limit welfare from Federal provision
    (apply only when true needs are not otherwise able to be met);
    return, as best possible, responsibility for caring to churches and philanthropies.

 

  • Return control of education to the people and the states;
    remove it from educational unions

 

  • End foreign entanglements except to protect Americans and their property

 

  • Stop money from being the vehicle to accomplish foreign aid – provide education, food, medicine, etc. directly

 

  • Remove all politicians and judiciary not loyal to the original
    intention of the Constitution of the United States

 

  • Make us energy independent

 

  • Protect Social Security; all politicians and Federal employees under identical plan with the people

 

  • Establish true non-profit, payer/provider partnership,
    private sector, medical insurance plan

 

  • Eliminate unjust salaries and compensation
    (one of the original Congressional mandates – interstate commerce)

 

  • Protect American jobs; be a responsible partner in the global economy

 

  • Eliminate the Federal deficit (debt) over reasonable time frame

 

  • Prevent foreign ownership of more than 50% of any American corporation

 

  • Close and protect our borders

 

  • Revamp prison system to promote rehabilitation
    – eliminate abuse and crime by real punishment

 

  • Non-discrimination – competitive right to work; restore control of unions
    to workers focused on quality, pride, and justice

 

  • Economically feasible water conservation, irrigation, and flood control

 

  • Military supremacy maintained by technology and appropriate manpower levels, removed from unjustified bureaucracy and unjust political motivations

 

  • Protect American intellectual property and technology to promote
    American industry and agriculture, and to provide American jobs

 

  • Protect and secure American national security information and technology;
    prosecute violators as traitors (treason) to the fullest extent of the law

 

  • Governance of (boards of directors) American publicly held and/or traded entities elected by 1/3 workers, 1/3 minority shareholders/owners,
    1/3 majority shareholders/owners

 

  • Regulation of interstate commerce, international trade, and American natural resources based only on true science, public interest and safety, environment and conservation,
    and benefit to the American economy
As to foreign policy and military matters, the strongest military in the world will “speak softly and carry a big stick” that will be exercised to protect Americans and their interests “foreign and domestic”. Wasteful, politically manipulated, bureaucratically controlled spending, and Congressional interference must be separated from military appropriations. Spending must be directed by need and best method. Justice and righteousness must be encouraged and supported everywhere, but we will not fight other peoples’ battles. Americans must voluntarily assist and enable only without calling to the public treasury. Every threat to our national security, regardless of any foreign opinion or interest must be approached according to the Framers’ original intention. America must be a responsible, cooperative member of the world community, but neither the UN or any other governmental body will be allowed to violate our sovereignty, compromise justice, threaten our heritage, or restrict or alter Constitutional authority. The Constitution is above situation or statistical ethics, even in an international political context.
Register your vote to defeat our enemies, “foreign and domestic”, by sending $1 now. Let your voice for liberty and justice for all resound in your community, and in your vote at the polls. Reclaim our heritage. May America bless God.
Your vote to reclaim America is recorded by each citizen contributing $1 or more to The Committee for the Constitution. Each individual person voting must send a separate check (may be in the same envelope) or, preferably, with separate entries online. Remember you must save a receipt of your contribution to be party to the contract with elected or appointed candidates to protect and defend the original intention of the Constitution. The Committee for the Constitution will endorse national political candidates of any political party, across this “land of the free, home of the brave”, signing this “Contract With America”. Each candidate endorsed by The Committee for the Constitution will send a loud and clear message to those who have betrayed us. This is a call for every loyal American to cast their vote to reclaim America, and restore a heritage of “liberty and justice for all”. We must “resolve ….. that this Nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” We are at war just as surely as we were in 1776.
PLEASE CAST YOUR VOTE
The Committee for the Constitution
A Trust for Americans Protecting and Defending the Constitution
111 Calverton Road
St. Louis, MO 63135-1216